RAWA: The VOICE of the VOICELESS
A full color booklet with over 350 photos from different RAWA activities in Afghanistan and Pakistan.

Book shows Afghan women's covert struggle
Subhuman treatment spawned group whose founder was assassinated
By Lori Shontz, Post-Gazette Staff Writer
  a review of With All Our Strength

go to RAWA web site
The Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan

Mailing Address: RAWA, P.O.Box 374, Quetta, Pakistan
Mobile: 0092-300-8551638
Fax: 001-760-2819855
E-mail: rawa@rawa.org
Home Page: http://www.rawa.org
Mirror site: http://rawa.fancymarketing.net

Afghans to Obama: End the Occupation
The NATO Occupation and Fundamentalism—An interview with Mariam of RAWA
Afghan journalists seek release of colleague
The US and Her Fundamentalist Stooges are the Main Human Rights Violators in Afghanistan
Afghan parliamentarians: "Women prisoners are raped in a Kabul prison"
Afghan parliamentarians: "Women prisoners are raped in a Kabul prison"

Stop Human Catastrophe: Help Afghan Refugees!
Afghanistan: Reinstate MP Suspended for 'Insult'
Afghan assembly grants immunity for war crimes
Keeping the Light of Hope Alive
Warlords gang-rape a woman in Badakhshan
Post-Taliban Kabul blossoms for the rich
Meena among 60 Asian Heroes of Time Magazine
Sanobar, 11-years-old girl is abducted and raped by warlords

UNICEF warns of continued threat facing women and children
RAWA statement on the International Women’s Day — 8 March
“Millions of dollars worth of aid money is being wasted”
Drugs link to Afghan cabinet
Militants behead headmaster in S. Afghanistan
RAWA’s response to “The Afghanistan Miracle” article
The women of Afghanistan find a leader
Photo exhibition of war-torn Bosnia and Afghanistan
Afghanistan: Bring War Criminals to Justice
Hope lives on...By Erica Ahmed
Afghanistan: A Harvest Of Despair
Afghan big freeze proves deadly
RAWA starts 2005 with an appeal for help
‘No warlords in Afghan cabinet’
Letter From Afghanistan — Painful story of the Herati shelter girls
Advocates Say More Improvements Needed for Afghan Women
A Threatened Afghanistan
Certificate of Special Congressional Recognition Presented to RAWA
War Returns with a Vengeance as Allies Fail the Afghan People
Latest from RAWA — Gloom of 28th April still dominant in Afghanistan
-Afghan province bans women performers on TV, radio
AI ask international community to uphold its human rights responsibilities
A Benefit compilation for RAWA produced by Steve Tobin
honorary doctorate for meritorious service to society

  ‡ Click the purple strip at any time to return to this index

 

Afghans to Obama: End the Occupation
*Uprising Radio*, November 13, 2008
Transcript: Radio interview with Eman, Member of the Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA).
** Download Audio: MP3, 3.47MB, 15:10Min.
Accused of killing 65 Afghans in yet another wedding party massacre last week, US military officials are now claiming that they have evidence of the Taliban holding the party hostage to lure US forces into killing the civilians and stoking more anti-American sentiment.
The accusation came from an anonymous US official who declined to share the evidence for the claim. According to Afghan officials, a joint investigation with the US found 37 civilians and 26 so-called insurgents were killed in the Kandahar village. Inexplicably the U.S. figure from the same investigation was 20 dead civilians. Afghan president Hamid Karzai has repeatedly denounced the civilian deaths and urged the US to stop relying so much on air strikes. The same week as the wedding party killings, US airstrikes killed 7 civilians in the Northwest province of Baghdis. Among them were two sons and a grandson of a provincial council member, Mohammad Tawakil Khan.
Mourning his loss, Khan remarked bitterly, "The Americans are hitting civilian houses all the time. They don't care, they just say it was a mistake Afghan officials are only offering their condolences. After some 100 times that they have killed civilians, we have to take revenge and afterward say our condolences to them." The civilian death toll has stoked anger across Afghanistan and raised increasing calls for an end to the occupation. However, President elect Barack Obama's foreign policy centerpiece was an increase in US troops to Afghanistan.
Back to top

Magazine, August 14, 2008
The NATO Occupation and Fundamentalism
An interview with Mariam of RAWA
By Justin Podur

ISLAMABAD - The Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA) is a women's organization that runs underground schools and other projects, educates Afghan girls, runs a periodic journal, and agitates politically for women's rights, human rights, secularism, and social justice in Afghanistan. From the 1979 Soviet invasion through to the 2006 closings of the camps, millions of Afghan refugees lived in Pakistan and many still do. While RAWA's operations were always based primarily in Afghanistan, they have also had a strong presence in the Pakistan refugee community. I spoke to Mariam from RAWA in Islamabad when I was there in July 2008.
JUSTIN PODUR (JP): To begin, perhaps you could introduce readers to RAWA and its work in Afghanistan and Pakistan.
MARIAM (RAWA): RAWA was begun in 1977 in Kabul as an organization of Afghan women for human rights and women's equality. After the Soviet invasion, some RAWA members were imprisoned in Kabul, and as a huge number of refugees fled to Pakistan, RAWA also shifted its focus somewhat, and began to work with refugee women and children in Peshawar (the capital city of the North West Frontier Province in Pakistan, close to the Afghan border). We began providing humanitarian services and some social assistance, through which we also tried to educate Afghan women of their rights. We continued our political activities, but because of the security situation in Afghanistan it was not easy. We continued to work underground in some Afghan cities. When the Soviet occupation was followed by the fundamentalists' bloody rule and later the Taliban regime, we continued to work both in Afghanistan and Pakistan. We ran literacy programs, orphanages and schools in Afghanistan, but a lot of o! ur public, political statements were made from Pakistan. We publish a political magazine called Payam-e-Zan (Women's Message). Today under the NATO occupation and after the closing of the refugee camps, we do the political part mostly from Afghanistan as well, but much of our work is still semi-underground due to grave security risks.
JP: Can you say something about how RAWA is organized, how you 'recruit', where RAWA's leaders are drawn from?
RAWA: Through our literacy programs, orphanages, and schools, RAWA has had contact with many girls over the past 15-20 years. There is a deep difference between the life of women in Afghan society who have lived through war, the Taliban, and the fundamentalists, in normal domestic life, and those girls that have been basically raised by or worked with RAWA. The latter have different vision, ideas, and mentality; they are aware of their rights and know that they must fight to achieve it. Some of them continue to work for RAWA after they are grown up. Some are adult women when they get involved and their whole families get involved. Some young girls and boys get involved. Others are involved who don't yet read and write but become attached to RAWA, especially in rural areas, where RAWA members live and work and are part of the community with the people.
JP: And what is the situation of Afghan refugees in Pakistan today?
RAWA: In general, Pakistan has been better to Afghan refugees compared to Iran or other neighboring countries. There have been some limits. The life in refugee camps was very hard and with very basic resources. The majority of the camps were under the control of fundamentalist parties who imposed their restrictions on the refugees. Work for democratic-minded groups such as RAWA was very hard and risky. Many Afghan freedom-loving individuals were assassinated by Jehadi groups with the help of Pakistani ISI. Meena, RAWA's founder, was one of them. But despite all the problems, RAWA had its presence in some of the camps and we were running a refugee camp in suburbs of Peshawar for over two decades until it was finally forcibly evacuated by the Pakistan government some months ago.
In 2001-2002, after the US invasion and occupation, large numbers of Afghans went back. The Peshawar refugee communities were basically emptied, but due to bad conditions, returning to Afghanistan is still an unattractive option for many refugees.
When the government decided to close some refugee camps in 2006, it had a huge effect. Most of the refugees were forced to leave, even though they had lost everything in Afghanistan: they had no jobs, no shelter, nothing to go back to. And in fact no one knows what happened to them. Those families who have returned to Afghanistan are very disappointed with the lack of any job and facilities in Afghanistan, and many came back to seek refuge to Pakistan for the second time.
Today according to the UNHCR, refugees are coming back to Pakistan and they are trying to find places in the cities. When there is any tension between the Afghanistan and Pakistan governments, the Afghan refugees who suffer the most. Pakistan puts pressure on refugees to return to Afghanistan. But the people in the border areas are the same people - they share language, culture, clothing, tradition. After thirty years, too, many refugees saw Pakistan as their second country. Afghans know Pakistan supports the Taliban and the fundamentalists in Afghanistan, but the political crisis won't weaken the relations of the people across the border.
JP: Perhaps we could complete the introduction with a bit of your analysis of the political and military situation in Afghanistan.
RAWA: It is a complicated situation. We have NATO's occupation and the interference of neighbors, Pakistan, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Tajikistan, Russia etc. all of whom have supported different fundamentalist groups in recent years. The Taliban control some areas and in recent months even reached the borders of Kabul. They are being supported by some circles in Pakistan. Even the Iranian regime sends arms and ammunition to the Taliban. Afghan civilians are the prime victims of Taliban brutalities, again, including their suicide bombings. The brothers-in-creed of the Taliban, the Northern Alliance, are in power today and generously supported by the US government. Much of the northern part of Afghanistan is ruled by the local warlords of the northern alliance. The government of Hamid Karzai has no tangible control there. The Taliban and other Islamic movements are the enemy of the Afghan people. And their strength is supported by the US and the West. The support the fundamen! talists get from outside makes it difficult for the Afghan people to resist them. On the other hand the US/NATO play a Tom and Jerry game with the Taliban and Al-Qaeda, while ordinary Afghans severely suffer from the impact of their blind bombardments and we witness awful tragedies of civilian casualties on a daily basis.
JP: You have described all of these Islamic political movements as enemies of the people, whether they are supported by the West or fighting NATO. I have heard the argument here that Pakistan and Afghanistan are deeply religious countries, and any political movement has to contend with that fact. As a consequence, I have heard that groups like RAWA isolate themselves because of their uncompromising stand on secularism and religion. Do you find that your secularism makes you unpopular?
RAWA: That is the impression the Western media give of Afghan society. Maybe it is true from their eye. We Afghans have lived through it. How it expresses itself depends on many factors, including social, cultural, and economic factors. We have worked in some of what would be called the most 'backward' areas, very religious, without much recognition of women's rights. But after some time, and sometimes it is quite quickly, over weeks or months, they come to like what we are doing and even get involved, even whole families. We have seen this in some areas. So I do not agree that the country as a whole couldn't accept democratic rights or secular values. It needs time and work to build social and political awareness, and in recent years people have not had that opportunity.
The brand of Islam the fundamentalists present is different from that of common Afghan people. Their Islam is a political Islam and each party has their own brand, which contradict each other. The Islam of Mullah Omar is different from the Islam of Burhanuddin Rabbani or Rasul Sayyaf, and these groups have been at war for years although they all pretend to be true Muslims. The fundamentalist groups have committed unprecedented crimes under the name of Islam over the past two decades. Today Afghans are so fed up with them that majority of Afghans support any voice raised against the fundamentalists. When Malalai Joya spoke against them for only 2 minutes in the Loya Jirga, her voice was soon echoed and supported by millions of Afghan across the country and she was called a heroine and voice of the voiceless. The fundamentalists impose their domination with the help of their weapons, foreign masters and money. Without these, they have no footing in Afghan society.
JP: Is the NATO' occupation helping or harming Afghanistan? Can it be used somehow to strengthen progressive forces? Is it holding back a Taliban victory which would be worse than the current situation?
RAWA: Seven years ago when the US invaded, the situation was different. Many Afghans appreciated their presence and were happy to get rid of the Taliban's oppressive rule. They thought - the Taliban had been eliminated, the international community worked, they were promised a better life, democracy and freedom and an end to the fundamentalist groups. Within months, it was clear that the US government still continues its wrong policy of supporting the fundamentalists in Afghanistan. We saw that the US rely on the fundamentalists of the Northern Alliance to fight another fundamentalist band - the Taliban. It doesn't matter if they fight the Taliban or "terrorism", they are supporting the Northern Alliance, and for Afghans both are the same - both are terrorists and fundamentalists, supported by foreign governments, whether by the West, or Pakistan, Iran, Saudi Arabia or any other country. They violate human rights, they abuse women, they commit corruption and fraud and ! smuggling, as we have documented.
From the beginning, RAWA announced that the US and the West have their own reasons for being here and it is not for the freedom of the Afghan people. We said that what the US/NATO is doing under the name of democracy is in fact a mockery of democracy. It is clear for us. Today NATO bombings are increasing, more civilians are being killed, and other violations are being done by the US and NATO. And now even they are trying to share power with the Taliban and terrorist party of Gulbuddin Hekmatyar. If this plot is realized, it will mean another tragedy for Afghanistan and its people, the unification of all enemies of Afghan people under one umbrella so they could jointly smash the Afghan people and freedom-loving individuals and forces.
Under the mafia system and the shadow of gun and warlordism, unfortunately there is no chance for progressive forces to come to the scene and work openly. Any serious and stanch anti-fundamentalist and anti-occupation force still needs to fight underground and they are not supported and encouraged. In fact the US is afraid to see emergence of a powerful progressive movement in Afghanistan. Those who openly criticize the government and warlords face threats, imprisonment and restrictions. We are facing the same problems and risks today which we were faced under the Taliban.
The privatization and the free market system imposed on Afghanistan since 2001 is opening the way for neoliberalism in Afghanistan, which is another nightmare for our people. We are feelings its disastrous impact on poor people of Afghanistan. The degree of destitution and poverty in Afghanistan is beyond imagination. The gap between rich and poor is getting wider day by day. Over 70% of Afghan people are living under the poverty line. According to official statistics, 42% are living with only US$10/month. Skyrocketing prices in recent months have made life a torture for the majority of Afghan people.
JP: What about the argument that if NATO left, Afghanistan would quickly fall to the Taliban, which would be worse?
RAWA: It is true that it might be worse under a Taliban regime. But at least we will not be occupied by a foreign power. Today we have two problems: our own local fundamentalists and a foreign occupier. If NATO left we would have one problem rather than two.
RAWA has announced a number of times that neither the US nor any other power wants to release Afghan people from the fetters of the fundamentalists. Afghanistan's freedom can be achieved by Afghan people themselves. Relying on one enemy to defeat another is a wrong policy which has just tightened the grip of the Northern Alliance and their masters on the neck of our nation.
JP: If NATO left the Taliban would also have a more difficult time portraying themselves as a national liberation movement, an argument they can make and a source of prestige for them so long as the occupation continues.
RAWA: Actually both parties depend on each other. If the US were to eliminate the Taliban somehow, they would find themselves with no pretext for being here. But the Taliban and terrorism are only a pretext. They are not honest. They are here for the strategic ends: the central location from which to control Iran, Russia and China, affect Pakistan's government and society, strengthen its grip on the Central Asian Republics and so on. That is why they keep increasing their military presence and building up bases. NATO will probably leave, but the US won't - they wanted a pretext for being here, and the US will not set aside the golden opportunity.
JP: NATO's "development effort" has involved a lot of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that have been involved in providing social services. Is RAWA seen as one of these?
RAWA: RAWA never introduces itself as an NGO. It is a political organization for women's rights and human rights. But it does try to meet direct needs and we do run social programs. Actually it is our political stance and activities that hurt our relations with the NGOs and agencies and why we don't get funds from foreign governments. Embassies do not want to give RAWA funds because we are political. This is in contrast to the thousands of recently established NGOs in Afghanistan over the past 6-7 years. It is a good business. You will have some families, with some English and a computer, and they become an NGO with funds, documents, and proposals being produced in their homes. Most NGOs that are larger, or bigger aid agencies, are funded by governments and influenced by those governments. The smaller ones often get involved in fraud and corruption - they work not for the Afghan people but for their own purposes. Millions of dollars of funds go to NGOs and are wasted ! in overhead, salaries, office expenses, and so on. They collect huge salaries, they have no long-term projects, they spend huge amounts for security expenses and vehicles.
NGO-ism is a policy exercised by the West in Afghanistan; it is not the wish of the Afghan people. The NGO is a good tool to divert people and especially intellectuals from struggle against occupation. NGOs defuse political anger and turn people into dependent beggars. In Afghanistan people say, the US pushed us from Talibanism to NGO-ism!
JP: Your political stance means governments don't want to give you money. Do you have any criteria for where you will accept donations?
RAWA: The question has not come up since we have not been offered funds from a government. But we will accept unconditional support from any source. We rely on individuals and sometimes, groups of feminists in other countries who support RAWA. We sell our own materials through income-generating projects, carpets, handicrafts, CDs, posters; we do fundraising whenever we go on speaking tours to other countries. That is how we continue. After 9/11 there was some interest in RAWA and we had good funding for 1-2 years. Today Afghanistan has the same problems but we have had to scale back our operations, reduce the numbers of children in our orphanages, and cancel some projects for lack of funding. RAWA is facing a grave financial problems today which affects the scales of our activities.
We see a total difference between the Western governments and their people. Most of these people are not in favor of the policies of their government towards Afghanistan. I have heard there is a free media in the US, but also that people do not know much about the outside world or the policies of their governments. RAWA is proud to receive donations from individuals, organizations, and groups not linked to governments, but not from government sources that would put pressure on RAWA. We would rather forego such money and attempts to control us. Even if we face problems, one hundred dollars from individuals gives us courage and lets us know we have support, in a way that thousands of dollars from a government agency would not.
JP: These projects RAWA runs, they must be underground as well?
RAWA: They are semi-underground but not the way we were under the Taliban. We are able to run education projects, and have meetings and gatherings in Afghanistan. But we are not registered with the government. Even if we were, we know they would try to stop us. We never use the title RAWA for our projects. People mostly know, but officially, we are not registered as RAWA - all run as private activities, initiatives, run by locals.
JP: The primary media source in Afghanistan is the radio. Is it possible for RAWA to get on the radio? What is RAWA's media strategy?
RAWA: It is not possible at the moment, partly because of the financial (although some supporters from Italy have suggested they could raise funds for it, in fact), but mainly because of the security problem. But we can use some other techniques to run a radio station if we were provided with the needed funds and equipment. We can run it without any sign of RAWA in it, but still in the current situation, we can't reflect our points of view as clearly and openly as we do through our web site and magazine, because if we do so, the next day the radio staff will be gunned down by the warlords.
JP: I read recently that Afghanistan and Pakistan has a growing number of opium addicts, including women, as a consequence of the war and displacement. Has RAWA come across this in its social service work?
RAWA: Out of the estimated 26 million population, over one million are addicted, which include even children and women, and the number are increasing.
Many people who are involved in poppy fields gradually become addicted: a mother working in the fields all day with health problems of her own, can't get her child to sleep or stop crying, she might give some to her child. There are many women in prisons today, and large numbers get addicted in prisons.
JP: What is RAWA's perspective on drugs?
RAWA: We think poppy cultivation in Afghanistan is part of the US regional strategy to control this third biggest global commodity (in cash terms). And it is not a new phenomenon, but has been a project of the CIA's covert operations in the region since the start of the Soviet-Afghan war in 80's. Today even the US/NATO encourage farmers to cultivate poppies. There are some reports that even the US troops have hand in the drug trafficking and the US government makes billions from the Afghan drug business. The UK military are negotiating deals with the Taliban on drugs, in Helmand.
Since 2001 the opium cultivation increased over 4,400%. Under the US/NATO, Afghanistan became world largest opium producer, which produces 93% of world opium. Those engage in the dirty business reach to the Afghan cabinet and even recently Mr. Karzai was accused by US officials of supporting the drug-dealers. His brother Wali Karzai leads the largest network of drugs in Kandahar. Gen. Daud, head of the counter-narcotics department of the interior ministry, himself is a famous drug-trafficker! Warlords in the Northern Afghanistan each control the route of drug-smuggling to the Central Asian Republics.
No one talks about this horrible aspect of the US occupation of Afghanistan. We are now living under a narco-state and drugs has already impacted Afghan people with horrible consequences.
JP: As a political organization, what is RAWA's relationship with political parties in Afghanistan?
RAWA has announced a number of times that neither the US nor any other power wants to release Afghan people from the fetters of the fundamentalists. Afghanistan's freedom can be achieved by Afghan people themselves.
RAWA: We have good relations with some. But unfortunately most political groups, democratic groups, human rights, women's rights, and intellectuals are not active. Thirty years ago there were lots of activities of such groups, and RAWA was just one. After the Soviet invasion and the Northern Alliance, the Taliban and Pakistan, many activists were arrested, assassinated, or made to flee the country. Our founder, Meena, and many others, were killed here in Pakistan, in the killing grounds of the Russian puppets and elsewhere. The past 30 years, the progressive forces of Afghanistan faced many losses and were always under pressure. And today still they are being marginalized or neutralized by the NGO-ism policy.
So the most powerful forces on the political scene are fundamentalists or linked to them, representing them, and using their political positions to protect them. Movements of left groups and intellectuals have been greatly weakened. But there are many progressive and freedom-loving individuals around and we have a long way to go and unite them under a unified force. There are some small groups too and we are in touch with them. We have to support each other.
There has been some rather small resistance against the US/NATO and warlords in some parts of the country. If the US/NATO occupation and atrocities continue for long, there will be stronger resistance from Afghan people.
To donate to RAWA, see the Afghan Women's Mission.
RAWA's website is www.rawa.org.
Justin Podur is a writer and activist based in Toronto. He was in Pakistan in July 2008. His blog is www.killingtrain.com.
Source: http://www.zmag.org/znet/viewArticle/18429

Reuters, January 12, 2008
Afghan journalists seek release of colleague
The 23-year-old Sayed Perwiz Kambakhsh, reporter of Jahan-e Naw daily paper and a journalism student at Balkh University in northern Afghanistan, was detained three months ago
By Tahir Qadiry
MAZAR-I-SHARIF, Afghanistan - Dozens of Afghan journalists and activists on Saturday sought the release of a journalist detained by security officials for allegedly making blasphemous comments.
The 23-year-old Sayed Perwiz Kambakhsh, reporter of Jahan-e Naw daily paper and a journalism student at Balkh University in northern Afghanistan, was detained three months ago.
Kambakhsh was accused of mocking Islam and the holy book, the Koran, and for distributing an article which said Prophet Mohammad had ignored the rights of women.

Activists gathered outside at the Human Rights Commission's office in Mazar-i-Sharif, the provincial capital of Balkh, demanding the journalist's release.

Habibullah Habib, the head of Balkh University, said Kambakhsh was detained following accusations by his classmates and an investigation had begun.

Kambakhsh's brother, Sayed Yaqub Ibrahimi who is also a journalist, said the charges were false.

Security officials refused to comment on the matter.

Journalist Sayed Yaqub Ibrahimi says his brother Parwez has been jailed and threatened with death because of his own reporting on human rights violations in the north.
A leading journalist in northern Afghanistan says his brother has been imprisoned on false charges as a way of pre! ssuring him not to write articles critical of local officials and strongmen.
IWPR, Dec.9, 2007
Blasphemy is punishable by death in Islam and Afghanistan is a deeply conservative Islamic country.
Since the ouster of Taliban's radical Islamic government in 2001, dozens of newspapers and other publications, some funded by foreigners, have sprung up in Afghanistan which is going throug! h an unprecedented wave of press freedom in its history.
Several years ago, two journalists were detained for making blasphemous comments, but the pair managed to escape and have been given asylum in a Western country.
In 2006, an Afghan facing the death penalty for converting to Christianity was freed and given asylum in Italy after intervention from Western leaders.
(Writing by Sayed Salahuddin, editing by Sanjeev Miglani)
December 21, 2007
Keep the Light of Hope Alive
Support RAWA's Orphanage Program
UNICEF and other sources say:
- 60% of children have lost at least one member of their family or close relatives
- Over 600,000 children sleep on the streets.
- For every 50,000 there is only one physician
- 100,000 children are disabled
- 60,000 children in Afghanistan are addicted to drugs
- Over 37,000 children work and beg in the streets of Kabul alone
- There are about 8,000 former child soldiers
- An estimated one million are child labourers in Afghanistan.
Photo of a RAWA Orphanage

These heart-wrenching statistics about the Afghan children have made the RAWA residential children's projects the cornerstone of our social programs. The children have been the prime victims of the three decades of unprecedented wars and brutalities. They need help dealing with the trauma of homelessness, hunger, disability, and abuse.If we educate and aid this next generation of Afghans to grow up in a peaceful environment, we can guarantee a prosperous Afghanistan.
With more than 20 years of experience in running children's projects, RAWA has created a framework for the children that teach them to respect and love each other regardless of language, religion, race, sex, color, etc. If you would like to learn more about the lives of the children in the RAWA orphanages, please visit: http://www.rawa.org/orphanage.htm
CharityHelp International, a US based organization teamed with RAWA to launch the Child Sponsorship project in late 2004. This project enables people around the world to sponsor Afghan children. Today, the project is helping more than 200 children rebuild their lives in RAWA's program. As a sponsor, you can communicate with your child by sharing emails and photographs. You will also get regular updates from CHI and RAWA with pictures and slideshows. View a slideshow of child-sponsor communications here: http://www.charityhelp.org/rawa/slideshow1
“Supporting these children is not only a gift to them as individuals; it is a gift to the world's future. Against staggering odds, they have made it this far, surviving as lights of hope through the darkest of nights. It is up to us to help them continue to shine.” - Jennifer A. Hartley, CHI Board Member
Join us in keeping the light of hope burning through the darkest of nights! For less than a dollar a day, you can provide on-going support to complement our child sponsorship program.
If you want to sponsor a child, please visit: https://www.charityhelp.org/rawa Please be aware that because of the ever increasing inflation rate in Afghanistan, we will be increasing the sponsorship rates for all sponsorships on January 1, 2008.

Tuesday, 11 December, 2007
The US and Her Fundamentalist Stooges are the Main Human Rights Violators in Afghanistan
The US and her allies tried to legitimize their military occupation of Afghanistan under the banner of “bringing freedom and democracy for Afghan people”. But as we have experienced in the past three decades, in regard to the fate of our people, the US government first of all considers her own political and economic interests and has empowered and equipped the most traitorous, anti-democratic, misogynist and corrupt fundamentalist gangs in Afghanistan.

Human rights violations widespread across Afghanistan[Pic: Human rights violations are widespread across Afghanistan]
In the past few years, for a thousand times the lies of US claims in the so-called “War on terror” were uncovered. By relying on the criminal bands of the Northern Alliance, the US made a game of values like democracy, human rights, women’s rights etc. thus disgracing our mournful nation. The US created a government from those people responsible for massacres in Pul-e-Charkhi, Dasht-e-Chamtala, Kapisa, Karala, Dasht-e-Lieli, 65,000 Kabulis and tens of mass graves across the country. Now the US tries to include infamous killers like Mullah Omer and Gulbuddin Hekmatyar into the government, which will be another big hypocrisy in the “war against terror”.
The reinstatement of the Northern Alliance to power crushed the hopes of our people for freedom and prosperity into desperation and proved that for the Bush administration, defeating terrorism so that our people can be happy, have no significance at all. The US administration plays a funny anti-Taliban game and pretends that a super power is unable to defeat a small, marginalized and medieval-minded gang which is actually her own product. But our people found by experience in the past few years that the US doesn’t want to defeat the Taliban and Al-Qaeda, because then they will have no excuse to stay in Afghanistan and work towards the realization of its economical, political and strategic interests in the region.
After about seven years, there is no peace, human rights, democracy and reconstruction in Afghanistan. On the contrary, the destitution and suffering of our people has doubled everyday. Our people, and even our unfortunate children, fall victim to the Jehadis’ infighting (Baghlan incident), the Taliban’s untargeted blasts and the US/NATO’s non-stop bombardments. The Northern Alliance blood-suckers, who are part of Karzai’s team and have key government posts, continue to be the main and the most serious obstacle towards the establishment of peace and democracy in Afghanistan. The existence of tens of illegal private security companies run by these mafia bands are enough to realize their sinister intentions and the danger they pose.
Human rights violations, crime, and corruption have reached their peak, so much so that Mr. Karzai is forced to make friendly pleas to the ministers and members of the parliament, asking them to “keep some limits”! Accusations about women being raped in prisons were so numerous that even a pro-warlord woman in the parliament had no choice but to acknowledge them.
Rabbani, Khalili, Massoud, Sayyaf, Fahim, Ismael and other criminals for the sake of being “ISI” and “VEVAK” agents could become “leaders” in the early 90’s, invited their god-father General Hamid Gul of ISI to become their army chief. But today they raise anti-Pakistan slogans to hide their corruption and wrong-doings. In this act they even go further and abuse Pakistani people. But they never talk about the dirty act of Pakistan in creating fundamentalist bands and imposing them on our people. More importantly, they keep silent about the wider, more devastating and more active meddling of the brutal Iranian regime in Afghanistan through its cultural and media agents. Pro-Iranian regime politicians and intellectuals are as much traitorous to democracy and human rights as the intellectuals and politicians who, from an ethnocentric and reactionary point of view, call the barbarism and terror of Taliban a “national armed resistance,” and shamelessly defend them.
The Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA) has announced a number of times that when the legislative, administrative and judicial bodies are ruled by drug-lords and warlords or their Talibi, Gulbudini, Parchami and Khalqi accomplices, they will never do anything positive for our deprived people. Rather these bodies will act as a mechanism to continue the ongoing crime, drug-trade and looting by these mafia bands to become richer.
If the US government replaces Karzai with a new puppet, even if he is not from among the Jehadi criminals, it will be just a deception of our people and an attempt to put the responsibilities of today’s tragedies on the shoulders of a single person. Such a move will have no positive outcome for our nation. Only a president who rely on people and come to power through a fair election, free from any kind of dependence or dealings with the fundamentalists, would be ideal for Afghan people.
Instead of defeating Al-Qaeda, Taliban and Gulbuddini terrorists and disarming the Northern Alliance, the foreign troops are creating confusion among the people of the world. We believe that if these troops leave Afghanistan, our people will not feel any kind of vacuum but rather will become more free and come out of their current puzzlement and doubts. In such a situation, they will face the Taliban and Northern Alliance without their “national” mask, and rise to fight with these terrorist enemies. Neither the US nor any other power wants to release Afghan people from the fetters of the fundamentalists. Afghanistan’s freedom can be achieved by Afghan people themselves. Relying on one enemy to defeat another is a wrong policy which has just tightened the grip of the Northern Alliance and their masters on the neck of our nation.
By publishing the book “Some Documents of the Bloody and Traitorous Jehadi Years”, RAWA has taken another small step in unmasking and prosecuting the war criminals of the past three decades. But we will not stop here. In the face of continuous threats by the terrorists sitting in the parliament and the government, we will not be intimidated and despite the passivity and compromises of intellectuals in this regard, we are determined that with the help of justice-loving people and organizations of Afghanistan and around the world, will work to push the war criminals into a court of justice and reclaim billions of dollars worth of national assets from them. Only then the eyes of our grief-stricken people may no longer burn endlessly for justice and democracy.

 

Afghan parliamentarians: "Women prisoners are raped in a Kabul prison"
BBC Persian (translated by RAWA), November 14, 2007
The delegation of Afghan parliament believe the situation in the Afghan prisons is worse then that is reflected in the Amnesty International report

Members of Afghanistan parliament accuse some officials of Pul-e-Charkhi prison in Kabul for raping women prisoners.

A delegation of Afghan parliamentarians who recently visited the prison say some women become pregnant after being raped.

Children in Pul-e-Charkhi prison in Kabul [Picture left: The number of children staying with their mothers in Afghan prisons is extremely high, almost equal to the number of their mothers, according to UNODC. (IRIN Photo)]

The number of children staying with their mothers in Afghan prisons is extremely high, almost equal to the number of their mothers, according to UNODC. (IRIN Photo)

MPs say they are concerned about the conditions of Afghanistan's prisons and are afraid such violations are going on in prisons in the other provinces.

These concerns are stated a day after the Amnesty International report warned about possible abusing of prisoners in Afghanistan.

The findings of parliament delegation suggest that prison officials first give medicines to prisoners to stupefy them and then sexually assault them.

Fouzia Kofi, one of the MPs who meet these victims in the prison, says in some cases victims have been forcibly raped.

Ms. Kofi says: "they (prisoners) say when we are ill and ask for medicines, they gave the medicines to make them unconscious, and then they are sexually abused. In some cases they are forcibly taken to the offices of prison officials, few women have got pregnant."

She says, fearing Afghan traditions and prison officials have made some victims silent, so it is difficult to find out a statistic about the number of abuses.

She says: "the numbers of women who are ready to talk about these issues are few and unfortunately they don’t have the gut to expose the truth. Because when we (the fact-finding delegation) leave the pri! son, they become defenseless."

The Amnesty International had already warned about torture of prisons in Afghanistan, but the delegation of Afghan parliament believe the situation in the Afghan prisons is worse then what is reflected in the AI report.

 

RAWA Appeal
Monday, 4 June, 2007

Stop Human Catastrophe: Help Afghan Refugees!

Another human tragedy is unfolding just over the border with Iran and threatening Afghanistan. During the past three weeks the fundamentalist Islamic regime of Iran has forcefully deported over 85 000 Afghan refugees back to Afghanistan. Reports tell of the brutal treatment of Afghan refugees by the Iranian police and of women and children being separated from their adult male family members and taken away to Afghanistan. The flood of refugees surged into the hot deserts of Nimroz and Farah with no water, no food and no shelter - a horrific situation. Hundreds of small children who have been separated from their parents can be seen roaming, dazed and crying out for their families.

Afghan refugee in Iran cries"My father and mother had been invited out to a party; Iranian police came to our house and deported us in the direction of Nimroz."

These are the sad words of Noorbashee, 9, who claims she has been expelled from Iran along with her 3 year old sister. Now these two small girls are living in great hardship in a camp in the frontier region of Nimroz Province that offers nothing except for the burning desert and whirling sand storms.

"They threw me and my little sister into a truck, where there were other people too, and we were very frightened and they took us to a camp in Zabul and there the Iranians were beating everybody and an old man accepted us as his children and the Iranians beat this old man as well," said Noorbashee. Pajhwok Afghan News, May 17, 2007

"During my 48-hour detention I was given no food," said a young Afghan deportee who accused the Iranian police of having robbed him. Another deported man, showing his blood-stained shirt, said, "They [the Iranian security forces] kept on punching and kicking me in the face and head while I was still bleeding." (IRIN News, April 30, 2007)

Fazila 5, who has been forced out of the Iranshahr Province of Iran, says that another expelled family is looking after her in Nimroz camp. With tears in her eyes Fazila said, "I don't have any news of my father and mother and I don't know anybody here."

Rahima, 3, who has also been forced out of the Zabul Province of Iran, is being cared for by another family. Like Fazila, she knows no-one here. Rahima, with the plaintive language of a small child, says, "I want my mummy and my daddy." (Pajhwok Afghan News, May 17, 2007)

RAWA appeals to all philanthropic, charitable people to come forward and prevent another human catastrophe from happening in Afghanistan. You can respond to this inhumane act on the part of the fundamentalist Islamic and fascist regime in Iran by showing your solidarity with Afghan refugees and raising funds for them.

You can send your donation to RAWA by any one of the following methods of payment:

Online Credit Card Donations: Please click here http://www.afghanwomensmission.org/help_us/donate.php and make your payment at EMERGENCY RELIEF section.

Please make check or money order payable to IHC/Afghan Women's Mission and mail it to:

Afghan Women's Mission
2460 North Lake Ave. PMB 207
Altadena, CA 91001
USA

Bank wire transfers: To do a wire transfer to the Afghan Women's Mission, pease call AWM's office at (626) 676-7884 to make arrangements.

Thank you in advance for your support.

 

Tuesday, 29 May, 2007
Afghanistan: Reinstate MP Suspended for 'Insult'

Censure of Malalai Joya Sets Back Democracy and Rights
Human Rights Watch, May 23, 2007

Malalai Joya in Press Conference in Kabul on May 21
Malalai Joya, in a press conference in Kabul on May 21, 2007 vows to continue her fight against warlords. (AP photo)

Malalai Joya, in a press conference in Kabul on May 21, 2007 vows to continue her fight against warlords. (AP photo)
New York The Afghan parliament should immediately reinstate Malalai Joya, a member suspended for criticizing colleagues, and revise parliamentary procedures that restrict freedom of speech, Human Rights Watch said today.

On May 21, 2007, the Lower House of the Afghan parliament voted to suspend Joya for comments she made during a television interview the previous day. It is unclear whether Joya's suspension will run until the current parliamentary session ends in several weeks or whether she will be suspended for the remainder of her term in office, which ends in 2009. In addition to her suspension from parliament, several legislators have said that Joya could be sued for contempt in a court of law.

"Malalai Joya is a staunch defender of human rights and a powerful voice for Afghan women, and she shouldn't have been suspended from parliament," said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. "Joya's comments don't warrant the punishment she received and they certainly don't warrant court proceedings."

Joya had criticized the parliament for failing to accomplish enough for the Afghan people, saying, "A stable or a zoo is better [than the legislature], at least there you have a donkey that carries a load and a cow that provides milk. This parliament is worse than a stable or a zoo."

On May 22, a recorded version of Joya's interview was shown during a session of parliament. Afterward, a majority of her colleagues found her guilty of violating article 70 of the Afghan legislature's rules of procedure, which forbids lawmakers from criticizing one another. Joya's specific crime was "insulting the institution of parliament."

Human Rights Watch noted that members of parliament have regularly criticized each other, but no one else has been suspended.

"The article banning criticism of parliament is an unreasonable rule that violates the principle of free speech enshrined in international law and valued around the world," said Adams. "The Afghan parliament should be setting an example by promoting and protecting free expression, not by stamping it out."

Human Rights Watch urged the Afghan parliament to take steps to revise article 70 and ensure that elected representatives can speak freely without fear of suspension or lawsuits.

Joya, 28, is the youngest member of the Afghan legislature. As a 19-year-old refugee in Pakistan, she taught literacy courses to other Afghan women. During the Taliban years, she ran an orphanage and health clinic in Afghanistan. In 2003, she gained international attention for speaking out publicly against warlords involved in drafting the Afghan Constitution. Two years later, she was the top vote-getter from Farah province in Afghanistan's parliamentary elections, and was easily elected to the lower house of the legislature.

Since her election, Joya has continued to be an outspoken defender and promoter of the rights of Afghan women and children. She has also continued to publicly call for accountability for war crimes, even those perpetrated by fellow parliamentarians.

Joya has survived four assassination attempts, travels with armed guards and reportedly never spends two nights in the same place.

"Joya is an inspiring example of courage," said Adams. "Afghanistan's international friends should not hesitate to speak out in her defense."
www.MalalaiJoya.com

Afghan assembly grants immunity for war crimes
Reuters via Khaleej Times, February 1, 2007
UNAMA: "No one has the right to forgive those responsible for human rights violations other than the victims themselves"

KABUL - Afghanistan's parliament has granted immunity to all Afghans involved in the country's 25 years of conflict, lawmakers said on Thursday, despite calls by human rights groups for war crimes trials.

The decision passed on Wednesday in the lower house, Wolesi Jirga, would also cover fugitive Taleban leader Mullah Mohammad Omar and former prime minister Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, who now heads his own militant group, critics and supporters of the move said.

Rights groups have strongly pressed the government to punish those guilty of abuses, including some members of parliament and senior government officials, saying justice was vital for peace.

But the national assembly said its motion would help reconciliation in a nation shattered by years of war and civil strife that have left almost no family untouched by tragedy.

"In order to bring reconciliation among various st! rata in the society, all those political and belligerent sides who were involved one way or the other during the 2-"decades of war will not be prosecuted legally and judicially," the motion passed by the assembly says.

"No one has the right to forgive those responsible for human rights violations other than the victims themselves.... For any process of national reconciliation to succeed the suffering of victims must be acknowledged and impunity tackled."
"International experience shows that truth is vital to reconciliation. As a consequence, the search for truth and the rights of victims are central elements of Afghanistan’s Action Plan on Peace, Reconciliation, and Justice."
UNAMA, Feb.1, 2007

The United Nations in Kabul objected immediately.

"For any process of national reconciliation to succeed, the suffering of victims must be ac! knowledged and impunity tackled," it said in a statement.

"No one has the right to forgive those responsible for human rights violations other than the victims themselves."
The Wolesi Jirga elected in late 2005 includes former senior communist officials, ex-Mujahideen (holy warrior) leaders who fought the Soviets and some former Taleban.

Dozens are accused of human rights abuses.

Several lawmakers said President Hamid Karzai, who has led Afghanistan since the Taleban was ousted in 2001, knew of the assembly's move in advance.

Analysts believe the hanging of Saddam Hussein may have spurred powerful Afghan politicians into acting against similar trials at home. "Afghans will see this as a sign that their parliament is more concerned with protecting its own members than the people," said Sam Zarifi of Human Rights Watch.
But many of those facing the most serious accusations, such as Abdul Rasul Sayaaf, are influential members of parliament.
The Guardian, Feb.1, 2007


"In a way, this provides immunity for all," Shukria Barakzai, a leading woman activist MP, told Reuters. She was among a small group of delegates who left the session in protest.

Haji Mohammad Mohaqiq, a former Mujahideen leader who was among the key legislators behind the amnesty, said it was in line with Karzai's efforts to push national reconciliation.

He also believed the immunity would cover Omar and Hekmatyar.

"This is a law and the law will be implemented on all individuals equally," he told Reuters.

The decision was approved days after Karzai again indicated he could consider talks with Taleban leaders to end the bloodshed after the country's most violent year since the Taleban's ouster.

One of Karzai's advisers on Wednesday clarified talks would not be held with the Taleban as a political, ideological or military group.

 

Thursday, 21 December, 2006
Keeping the Light of Hope Alive

RAWA’s Orphanage Program
"Sponsoring these children and doing what I can to make the orphanages even better places for them gives me a great deal of pleasure...We must try to remain hopeful about change…"
Doffie, USA, began as a sponsor of a single child and has gradually built an extended family with her 8 sponsored children and new library project
While the news coming out of Afghanistan is filled with despair and anguish, we are working with our international partners to create an oasis of hope for our people!

Working to clear snow on an orphange roof - taken 5/12/2006With the support of CharityHelp International (CHI) and international donors, we are helping hundreds of children rebuild their lives. If you would like to learn more about the lives of the children in the RAWA orphanages click here

Donors and supporters just like Doffie are currently supporting three orphanages and more than 140 children through the child sponsorship program. View photos of the newest orphanage here.

"Supporting these children is not only a gift to them as individuals; it is a gift to the world's future. Against staggering odds, they have made it this far, surviving as lights of hope through the darkest of nights. It is up to us to help them continue to shine." - Jennifer A. Hartley, CHI Board Member

As a sponsor, you can communicate with your child by sharing emails and photographs. You will also get regular updates from CHI and RAWA with pictures and slideshows. View a slideshow of child-sponsor communications here

Your sponsorship will help educate a child in an atmosphere of compassion, tolerance and equal rights. These education policies are a vital foundation for building a new Afghanistan.

Join us in keeping the light of hope burning through the darkest of nights! For less than a dollar a day, you can provide on-going support to complement our child sponsorship program. View our sponsorship options here.

 

Sunday, 10 December, 2006
RAWA communiqué on Universal Human Rights Day, Dec.10, 2006
Afghanistan the Bloodiest Field for Slaughtering Human Rights
Five years ago, America and their allies attacked Afghanistan in the name of bringing "Human Rights", "Democracy", and "Freedom" to the war-torn country. The Taliban regime fell and Hamid Karzai's puppet regime, which included the world-known Northern Alliance criminals or as UN envoy Mahmoud Mestri said, "the bandit gangs", took over in the name of a fake democracy. However, today, the deceitful policies of Mr. Karzai and his Western guardians have brought Afghanistan to a very critical situation in which disaster is a ticking time bomb that can explode any minute. Treason and mockery have efficiently been used under the name of "democracy" and "freedom" in these five years and the human rights situation in Afghanistan is a product of the painful deception of the warlord led government.

Northern Alliance criminals, backed by the US have their own local and barbaric governments. Just the increasing amount of women who commit suicides by burning themselves can be the best example of a human rights violation in Afghanistan. According to UNICEF, 65% of 50000 widows in Kabul think that committing suicide is the only option they have. Northern Alliance crooks raped an 11 year old girl, Sanuber, and traded her with a dog. In Badakhshan a young woman was gang-raped by 13 Jehadies in front of her children, and one of the rapists urinated in the mouth of her children who were continuously crying. In Paghman, a suburb of Kabul, a criminal leader Rasol Sayyaf, who was the mentor and godfather of Khalid Shikh Mohammad, the mastermind of 9/11 attacks, plunders our peoples' territory and tortures his oppositions at his private prison. Despite many protest rallies of unfortunate people of Paghman in front of the Parliament House, no one hear their painful voice and the ! so-called police forces headed by infamous criminal warlords like Zahir Aghbar and Amanullah Guzar attack the protester and kill 2 of them. These are all just some examples of thousands crimes that are being carried out by fundamentalists of the Northern Alliance evil men who have high positions in executive, legislative, and judiciary branches of the US-imposed government and some unprincipled intellectuals are dancing to their tune.

Establishment of state-run institutions such as the Independent Human Rights Commission and Ministry for Women Affairs are just a show-off to throw dust in the eye of our people and world community and to conceal the human rights catastrophe. Although these symbolic institutes spend a lot of money, they have never addressed the core issues regarding human rights in Afghanistan, which is the atrocities carried out by the Northern Alliance criminals. For instance, a woman named Zofanoon Natiq, the head of Women Affaires Ministry branch in Badakhshan Province in an interview with Pajhwak News Agency entirely refused the gang-rape saying "no such incident had been occurred in Badakhshan" while the Police chief in the same province contradicted her and said a warlord from the fundamentalist Jamiat-e-Islami party, named Mujtaba committed the crime. Another woman, Fahima Kakar, the head of Women department in Kunduz, didn't want to displeasure warlords by only saying, "I think it! is not proper to behead a lady, in my view and in Islam it is not good to kill someone" regarding the crime in which a woman was beheaded and killed while her hands were tightened on her back. All of the women in official posts are selected among such showpiece women who compromise with the fundamentalists and keep silence against their crimes.

The disgraceful defeat and embarrassing situation in the War in Iraq left no option for the US, except to illustrate Afghanistan as a success whether it results in pain and suffering for the Afghan people. The disagreement among NATO members and the stand of some member sates against the will of the US made the situation harder for the White House. Therefore, America tries to keep a fragile, temporary stability in Afghanistan in order to promote a sense of accomplishment in producing a "democratic" Afghanistan all around the world, a "B52 democracy" in expanse to treason against majority of Afghan people.

Compromising with Gulbuddin Islamic Party and Taliban and plans for Tribal Jirgas are treacherous games to finalize the Jehadies-Taliban-Gulbuddin-Khalqi-Parchami circle of evil. Tribal Jirgas will have no better fate then the Loya Jirga and Parliament to deceive our bereaved people. First the US divided the Taliban criminals into "moderate" and "non-moderate" fractions. In the first stage Taliban criminal leaders such as Mullah Rocketi, Arsela Rahmani, Mullah Khaksar, Wakil Ahmad Motawakil, Qalamaddin etc. were stamped as being "moderate Taliban" and allowed to make their ways into the Parliament. Now, two criminal gangster leaders, Gulbuddin and Mullah Omer, were invited to join the government. In this case, only Al- Qaida remained to be invited to join the rotten Afghan Government.

Although Gulbuddin Party and Taliban have many representatives in the government branches and parliament, the last compromise calls for criminal and blood stained leaders illustrates that America never wants peace and stability in Afghanistan. The US government sacrifices our people for its political and economical interests by establishing a government full of traitors, criminals and drug-lords. It does not matter who rules in Kabul, the US wants just a poppet regime. An American military presence in Afghanistan has no benefit for our people. In addition, thousands of civilians lost their lives because of radioactive and cluster bombs and "friendly fires". This fact is obviously a disgrace for those who strongly defense American military presence in Afghanistan.

Since the Northern Alliance criminals were installed into power, RAWA has been saying that it is impossible to bring peace, human rights, and stability with a gang of criminals in power. Today even the western media points out the jehadi warlords as a main problem in destabilizing Afghanistan which proves RAWA's analyzes. However, the fundamentalist Karzai's government, in order to cover up its own irresponsibility, corruption, and weaknesses, terms Pakistan's interference and support to the Taliban as the only main issue in Afghanistan and pretend that if this interference is stopped Afghanistan will become a heaven on the earth! Karzai's government raise hue and cry on Pakistani statement about the need of "coalition government" but everyone knows that a coalition government with all criminals such as Taliban, Jehadi, Gullbudin's and other is already in place.

Murderers such as Sayyaf, Rabbani, Qannoni, Fahim, Mujadadi, Massoud, Dostom, Mahaqiq, Khalili, Ismail, and others who were Pakistan and Iran's loyal agents and servants are trying to deceive our people by acting as if they are anti Pakistan, however, they can never dissolve the shameful marks of being agents of Pakistan and others. Moreover, Pakistan and Iran also should first of all apologize from our oppressed people for their treacherous role in empowering and supporting Afghan brutal fundamentalist bands. Although it is obvious that the Taliban are supported by some Pakistani sources, as Iran supports her own spies such as Khalili, Mohaqiq, Kazimi, Bahwi, Islael Khan and others, the core issue in Afghanistan is not Pakistani interference inside Afghanistan. The biggest factor in destabilizing Afghanistan is inside Afghanistan. As long as the main issue inside has not been solved, solving the external issues cannot be effective.

The biggest factor that strengthens the Taliban is the hatred and disgust that our people have against the Jehadi mafia in the system. When people have no security, when they see lawlessness and how the criminals embezzle millions of dollars from international aids, they are indifferent about the raise of the Taliban. Haji Nek Mohammad who had lost his beloveds in a NATO's air strike in Kandahar said, "I prefer to join the Taliban forces because Taliban have so far killed only 2 people in my village while the collation forces killed 63 people in a single day."

Our people know that there is no difference between Taliban and Jehadi warlords. They both are fundamentalist medieval forces that were created by foreigners and they will join forces against our people in any possible time. The NA hooligan leader Rabbani in his recent interview by saying that he will not fight against Taliban, confirms this fact.

Amusingly, there are some right and leftists groups outside of Afghanistan who look at the Taliban as an "anti-imperialist" force and defend them. They satirize themselves by such funny remarks and prove that they are completely ignorant of barbaric nature of the Taliban. If they had experienced a day of humiliation under the Taliban rule, they would have never made such hurting jokes with our people.

Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA) strongly supports the anti-war movement which grows day by day all around the world and becomes a strong force against the US and her Allies war-mongering policies.

Despite being on the top of the fundamentalists' black list, we would like to assure our people that RAWA, as before, will never give up its struggle against Jehadi, Talibi, Khalqi, and Parchami murderers and will carry on its uncompromising fight with full determination to break the mask of fundamentalists' demagogy.

We would like to declare to all freedom-loving, anti-invaders, and anti-fundamentalist individuals and groups that as long as we don't form a united movement against the fundamentalists and their foreign masters, we would not be in a position to break the chain of oppression and tyranny. We announced in the first day of the US invasion that there is not one example in history where a foreign force brings freedom to another nation, only people of Afghanistan themselves can gain these values.

Fourteen years have passed from the gloomy day of 28th April 1992, but our nation is being caught tighter day by day around the ankles of those who caused the pain, mourning and destruction in our land. Traitors, country-betrayers, and dark minds are in control of our nation's fate and our country is sunk in calamities. Mr. Karzai and his foreign guardians, who have invested in fundamentalists for many years, today have given key posts in the executive, legislation and judiciary branches of government, to the most infamous and bloody elements of the Northern Alliance and other savage bands. With the passage of time, the ring of these traitors is increasing. The evil men who caused the 28th April tragedy, instead of being sued, have so much authority in the country that through the parliament they shamelessly announce this infelicitous day as a public holiday. In this manner they ridicule the people, the majority of who, according to a survey of national and international hu! man rights defending organizations, want the prosecution and punishment of these national traitors.

Without the end of the fundamentalists rule, observance of human rights is just a dream!

Hold the struggle flag of freedom, democracy, and social justice!

With people against fundamentalism; or with fundamentalist against people; there is not a third option!
Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA)
December 10, 2006

 

November 29, 2006
Warlords gang-rape a woman in Badakhshan
Husband of the victim: "my children were crying one of them peed in their mouth"
Brig. Sayed Habib Saeedkhili: "Drug-trafficker Mujtaba and his 11 men raped the woman and fled"
RAWA reporter
A local commander and his 11 men gang-rape a 22-year-old woman in Shahre Buzurg district of the northeastern Badakhshan province on Nov.28.

The crime took place in the Shah Dasht village, by a local warlord called Mujtaba who belongs to Jamiat-e-Islami Afghanistan led by Burhanuddin Rabbani (now member of the parliament).

People of the village told journalists that they have complained a number of times about brutalities and lawlessness in their village by warlords but police and local officials take no action because these warlords are so powerful and backed by Burhanuddin Rabbani, who himself is based in Badakhshan.

Qari Jehangir, husband of the victim, says the armed men raped his wife and when his 2 children were crying one of them peed in their mouth. The victim had been threatened to death by the commander not to complain.

Brig. Sayed Habib Saeedkhili, the border police chief in Badakhshan confirmed the crime and told to the media that commander Mujtaba and his men are famous drug traffickers who succeeded to flee but his brother, Anayat, has been arrested.

According to Pajhwok Afghan News (Nov.29, 2006): "Zofanoon Natiq, director of the Women Affairs Department of Badakhshan, showed unawareness about the incident. She said no such incident had been occurred in Badakhshan. But the head of the Independent Human Rights Commission at northeast zone, said: 'This is a crime, and will also stimulate anger of the people.' He said weakness of the local authorities was the main reason of repeating such cases in the region."

Crimes against women are on raise across Afghanistan but especially in the Northern Province of Badakhshan which is the stronghold of Jamiat-e-Islami Afghanistan which has its armed militia and key government posts in the area.

In April 2005, Amina, a 29 year-old woman was publicly stoned to death on the basis of a district court's decision in this province.

 

Wednesday, 29 November 2006
Post-Taliban Kabul blossoms for the rich
"The Taliban time was very bad and now it is very bad for the poor. Where is the difference?"
By Kathy Gannon, Associated Press Writer
KABUL, Afghanistan
Eight-year-old Sajjad's kite struggles upward. It's nothing grand -- a plastic bag salvaged from a heap of garbage and fashioned into a diamond shape.

But it's a symbol of change in Kabul, five years after the Afghan capital was freed from a Taliban regime that believed activities such as kite-flying would distract youngsters from studying the Islamic holy book, the Quran.
Crime and barbarism in Shirpur by Afghan ministers and high authorities

The U.S.-led war and the Western-friendly government that followed eliminated that rule and a host of others. Girls have returned to school. Public beheadings and amputations as punishment for crimes came to an end.

The times have changed. But in Kabul today the question often asked is: How much and for whom?

Sajjad (he says he has no last name) lives in a neighborhood called Shirpur, a significant symbol of what has changed since U.S. and British bombs drove the Taliban from the city on the night of Nov. 12-13, 2001.

Part of it has been demolished and its inhabitants evicted to make way for a "new Afghanistan" of palatial homes -- scores of four- and five-story mansions boasting gold-painted marble columns and floor-to-ceiling windows flanking grand wooden doors.

The owners are the successors to the Taliban -- movers and shakers who in 2003 used their new power to seize and clear the land. About 250 of Sajjad's neighbors were tossed from their homes.

Miloon Kothari, the UN's housing representative, complained and Afghan President Hamid Karzai promised to investigate, but nothing has come of it.

Now, in the waning days of October 2006, Sajjad runs past a half dozen goats and a cow feasting on rotting garbage to get his flimsy kite airborne. He lives with seven brothers and four sisters in a single-story house of dried mud, straw and pebbles. He wears cracked plastic sandals and a torn brown shirt with only three buttons remaining.

One of his neighbors, Aziz Mohammed, a potbellied man with a speckled beard, stands ankle deep in the mud he is using to winterize his home of 25 years.

Mohammed says he has been told that his and his neighbors' houses will be flattened soon to make way for more mansions.

The owners of these mansions "are commanders, ministers. It makes me angry. These people use everything that isn't theirs and they ruin the houses of the poor people to build their homes," said Mohammed. "The Taliban were no good, they were just stupid people. But in this new life there is no job, nothing."

The man who ordered the first homes razed in 2003 was Kabul Police Chief Abdul Bassir Salangi. He has two houses in the ostentatious subdivision. Salangi has since been appointed police chief of eastern Nangarhar province and could not be reached for comment.

The big question, said Najibullah Siddique, director of the Afghan charity Afghans for Tomorrow, is why the billions of dollars in foreign aid that has poured into Afghanistan isn't making a difference. "Why doesn't the government help the poor? Why do the government people and commanders build big mansions and poor people still live in bad conditions?"
Sherpur Today: Gap between rich and poor in Kabul

Gul Haider, a commander of the Northern Alliance that swept into Kabul after the Taliban's collapse, makes no apology for owning a mansion in Shirpur.

"This is the new Afghanistan. We are just beginning. All these houses are from the private pockets of Afghans and I hope one day that all of Afghanistan will be beautiful like Shirpur," he said in an interview.

"We are praying for the poor people to have houses like us," he said. "But everything belongs to God. God knows better who should be given property and who shouldn't. God gave us this property and we built our houses. We are praying that God will look more favorably on the poor."

In the months following the Taliban's collapse there were signs of a business renaissance. Barbershops, beauty salons and music stores reopened. Afghan exiles returned to start businesses.

But many have since been driven out by runaway corruption, lawlessness and the violence perpetrated by a resurgent Taliban, highlighted by a string of recent suicide bombings in Kabul.

Post-2001 Afghanistan has an elected parliament but it is criticized for its inclusion of warlords, commanders and mujahedeen leaders.

Last May, an outspoken lawmaker, Malalai Joya, attacked the warlords and rebel commanders in the chamber for their role in the civil conflict that destroyed Kabul and killed 50,000 civilians when they were in power between 1992 and 1996, a period of anarchy that gave rise to the Taliban. The response from the floor was threats of rape and death.

A recent report by Womankind Worldwide, a British-based advocacy group, challenges the notion that Afghan women are better off now.

It said the scenes in 2001 of women throwing off their all-covering robes were misleading, and that except for a small elite in Kabul, women still have to cover their entire bodies.

It said up to 80 percent of all Afghan marriages are forced, 57 percent of girls are married off before age 16, some as young as 6: "and the number of women setting fire to themselves because they cannot bear their lives is rising dramatically."

While girls are back at school, the program is far short of where it should be, says Siddique.

"Girls education is like a car," he said. "During the Taliban there was no gas and the car didn't work. Now we are putting in gas and it is running but it isn't because of this government. Any government after the Taliban would have had girls education. But what guarantees do we have? Corruption in the government has delayed schools being built."

Meanwhile, schools are being destroyed, some by the Taliban but as many by tribal feuds, village animosities, and anger at the government for perceived injustices and corrupt practices, he said.

Kabul traffic is a nightmare, a huge contrast from the Taliban era, when only bicycles, yellow taxis and Taliban pickup trucks were running. Luxury SUVs, many driven by the 2,000 employees of the UN and aid agencies, remind the desperately poor how they have been left behind.

Mohammed Habib, an out-of-work laborer, carried his 1-year-old son Mujtaba as he walked the streets begging for food. He said the infusion of foreign aid hasn't changed his life.

"Money comes to help the poor people but the commanders and the government people take it," he said. With the Taliban gone "we thought our future will be better, but every day we are poorer."

Habib might not have noticed, but the culinary landscape of Kabul has changed.

In Taliban times, eating out meant roadside food stalls and rice and kebab restaurants. Now there are restaurants offering French, Italian, Lebanese, German, and Indian cuisine -- but at prices out of the reach of most Afghans.

Alcohol, banned by the Taliban and still offensive to most Afghans, is served, although more discreetly now than in the first post-Taliban years. The government is cracking down by banning the sale of booze at the duty-free stores frequented by foreigners.
" Parliament is just a showpiece for the West," complains Malalai Joya, one of the female MPs. "Women do not have liberation at all. People in power, whether in government, parliament or governors, are warlords and jihadis who are no different in their outlook from Taliban."
The Sunday Times, November 5, 2006

Visitors can spend up to $500 a night to stay in the new Landmark Suites hotel, which has a shopping mall and the country's first escalator.

Afghans flocked to the complex and its glass-enclosed shops when it opened, though many couldn't afford the prices.

Hajji Sadiqullah says he is two months behind on the monthly rent of $1,500 for his cosmetics and hair supplies store. "Another month like this and I will die," he said.

In contrast to the Landmark Suites, the Allauddin Orphanage with its hundreds of poor children has a new coat of paint, a few computers, a ration of food from the government and electricity most of the day. But in winter heat still comes from wood stoves, one for each room where nine or more children sleep. And elsewhere in Kabul there is electricity for barely three hours on most days.

Corruption is so rampant that it can take a $50 bribe just to get the tax collector to register payment of your taxes.

On a street corner, a traffic policeman sidles up to a car window, palm out for money. On a small side street, five women in burqas hold out their babies to passing cars, begging food.

Habib, the laborer, looks at the new mansions in Shirpur and sees injustice.

"These people are very bad people. That money was for us and they took it," he said. "The Taliban time was very bad and now it is very bad for the poor. Where is the difference?"
Amir Shah, an Associated Press correspondent in Kabul, contributed to this report.

Tuesday, 14 November, 2006
Meena among 60 Asian Heroes of Time Magazine

A Hero of Our TIME — M E E N A
She fought—and died at the age of 30 for the rights of Afghan women
By Aryn Baker
Time Magazine (Nov.13, 2006): “In this special anniversary issue, we pay tribute to the remarkable men and women who have shaped these times.”

Meena called the women of Afghanistan sleeping lions, pledging that one day they would awake and roar. In 1977, at the age of 20, she launched the country's first movement for women's rights, calling her group the Revolutionary Association for the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA). Its goals: the restoration of democracy, equality for men and women, social justice, and the separation of religion from the affairs of the state. But in a country mired in tradition and occupied by the Soviet Union, Meena's beliefs were threatening enough to get her assassinated. Ten years after founding RAWA, she was kidnapped and killed; many Afghans held agents of the local communist intelligence agency responsible.

Although she was only 30 when she died, Meena had already planted the seeds of an Afghan women's rights movement based on the power of knowledge. She believed that if women were able to read and write, that if they could communicate and learn about the world, they would discover their own strength and could make a difference in their own society. After the Soviet invasion in 1979 she established schools and orphanages for refugees pouring over the border into Pakistan. Those schools offered opportunities never available previously to young Afghan women.

“Meena didn't just give me an education; she taught me that I had the right to live a better life,” says Sahar Saba, an early student at RAWA's first school in Quetta.

Today, for the first time in Afghan history, women have campaigned for, and won, seats in the national parliament. One of these women is Gulhar Jalal, a childhood friend of Meena's and an illiterate widow who now represents the province of Kunar.

“I ran,” she says: “because this was Meena's dream.”
Source
http://www.time.com/time/asia/2006/heroes/in_meena.html

 

November 5, 2006
Sanobar, 11-years-old girl is abducted and raped by warlords
RAWA report
Malom Zafar Shah, district chief and powerful warlord Mehmood, both from “Northern Alliance”, accused of crime
Gulsha, the suffering mother of Sanobar accuses Malom Zafar (district chief) and Commander Mehmood, a local warlord, to be linked with the crime.
Movie Clip of Gulsha | More photos
Sanobar, 11-years-old daughter of Gulsha, an Afghan widow, has been abducted, raped and then exchanged with a dog by warlords in Aliabad district of Kondoz province in North of Afghanistan.

The suffering mother, while crying, says: "a month ago at 11 o'clock of night armed men entered my house and after beating and threatening me by gun, abducted my only daughter."

She accused the district chief Malom Zafar Shah and a powerful warlord Commander Mehmood to be responsible for this crime.

Gulsha says later it was found that her daughter has been raped and exchanged with a dog and a sum of money to another person but her whereabouts are still unknown.

While crying she told journalists: "I approached human rights office and police but none of them could help to find my daughter. The district chief himself has four daughters but he sold my daughters to others. With many difficulties and problems I grown up 2 daughters, one was previously sold [by him] to a Kandahari man and taken to Pakistan and another was exchanged with a dog. Please bring them to justice." (Movie Clip)

Both Malom Zafar Shah and warlord Mehmood are from the "Northern Alliance" and members of Jamiat-e Islami Afghanistan led by Burhanuddin Rabbani (currently member of the Parliament). They have a long record of such crimes and brutalities against people of Kondoz. Malom Zafar has been appointed as district chief directly by Qasim Fahim the former defense minister and vice President and now member of Senate.

In an interview with Ariana TV, Malom Zafar rejected all charges against himself and Commander Mehmmod telling "no Jehadi brother is involved in such crimes."

Mohammad Zahir Zafari, chief of the human rights office in Kondoz says, they have tried since a month to find the child but police is also unable to do anything as powerful people have link to the crime. He also exposed that his office was threatened a number of times to stop following of the case.

Such crimes happen on daily bases in Kundoz and other parts of Afghanistan where warlords have established jungle law and have all the key positions in their possession.

Unfortunately only few of such cases find its way to the media, most journalists are too afraid to report it as it can have dangerous consequences for them.

 

October 25, 2006
90 civilians perish in NATO air strike: Residents
ISAF spokesman in Kandahar Morall has confirmed killing of four civilians in the bombing
Javid Hamim, Ahmad Farzan — Pajhwok Afghan News,
Haji Nik MohammadHaji Nik Mohammad from Panjwaye village of Qandadahar told journalists on October 26, 2006: "I prefer to join the Taliban forces because Taliban have so far killed only 2 people in my village while the collations forces killed 63 people in a single day. Now you tell me who is my real enemy, the Taliban or the foreign troops?"
more photos

KABUL, Oct 25 (Pajhwok Afghan News): About 90 civilians were killed in a NATO air strike in Panjwaye district of the southern Kandahar province, residents said on Wednesday. However, NATO-led ISAF forces claim they had killed 38 Taliban fighters in the bombing.

Residents of Panjwaye also said civilians had suffered great casualties in Tuesday‘s clash and bombardment. Ahmadullah, resident of Zangawad village, told Pajhwok Afghan News on Wednesday that 50 houses of civilians were hit in the bombing.

He said they had retrieved 30 dead bodies from the rubble and some corpses were still entangled there. He said about 90 civilians were killed in the Tuesday air strikes. Per Agha, who has shifted injured to Kandahar Civil Hospital, told this news agency one woman member of his family was killed and three others were wounded. He said he had shifted the injured members to hospital for treatment.

Agha said some members of his family were missing that were perhaps buried in the debris. Another attendant Dad Mohammad said NATO forces heavily bombarded Laknai village of Zangawad area of the Panjwaye district. He also said 90 civilians were killed in this air strike.

A Dr at Kandahar Civil Hospital, requesting anonymity, told this news agency they had received seven wounded including women and children so far. He said ambulances were sent into the area and the number of wounded might increase. NATO forces claimed they had killed 38 Taliban fighters in the attack.

"In two separate engagements we killed 38 insurgents yesterday through very careful targeting against specific groups of insurgents trying to infiltrate back into Zhari and Panjwayi," a spokesman for the NATO force told Pajhwok Afghan News.

The Taliban and other anti-government groups in Afghanistan have gained public support due to the Afghan government's failure to provide essential security and development, and have used the presence of warlords in the government to discredit President Karzai's administration and its international backers.

HRW, Sep. 27, 2006
"We had eyes on them and we knew what they were up to and took action," International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) spokesman Major Luke Knittig said on Wednesday. The area, which is about 35 kilometres (19 miles) west of Kandahar city, was the focus of nearly two weeks of intense fighting last month as part of Operation Medusa, ISAF's largest anti-Taliban offensive.

NATO said afterwards that its soldiers and the Afghan troops involved in the operation had handed the Taliban their heaviest defeat since the hardliners were driven from power in late 2001. ISAF says it is now rebuilding the war damage and setting in place reconstruction projects designed to persuade locals to shun the Taliban.

"We are continuing projects and things that are already putting in place economic development on the ground in follow up to Operation Medusa and insurgents continue to attempt to infiltrate back," Knittig said. "We are trying to deal with that infiltration." Regarding the civilians casualties, Knitting said they had also received such reports and had started investigation in this regard.

However, NATO-led ISAF spokesman in Kandahar Morall has confirmed killing of four civilians in the bombing. Afghan officials have yet to comment about the civilians casualties. Pajhwok contacted the ministry of interior several times but every time it received the reply that the spokesman was “busy in a meeting”. Likewise, Taliban have yet to comment on the incident.

KABUL, Oct 26 (Pajhwok Afghan News)
The United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) has expressed concern on civilians casualties in NATO air strikes in Nangawat village of Pajnwaye district in the southern Kandahar province.

A press statement from UNAMA stated the United Nations had always made clear that the safety and welfare of civilians must always come first and any civilian casualties were unacceptable, without exception. According to residents about 90 civilians were killed in NATO air strike in Panjwaye district of the southern Kandahar province. However, NATO-led ISAF forces claim they had killed 38 Taliban fighters in the bombing.

It was clearly in the interests of everyone that the facts be established regarding these events and it was imperative that a thorough investigation was carried out, the statement added.

At this difficult time, the thoughts of the entire United Nations family in Afghanistan were with those who have suffered as a result of this tragedy, the release added.

 

Afghan women call for ousting war criminals
April 29, 2006
By Our Reporter
ISLAMABAD, April 28: The Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (Rawa) staged a protest rally here on Friday marking the April 28, 1992, control of Afghanistan by “Islamic fundamentalists”.

Hundreds of Afghan women from the twin cities of Rawalpindi and Islamabad and Peshawar gathered in front of the UN offices and condemned what they called the “taking over of power by brutal Jehadi forces after the fall of Russian puppet regime in Afghanistan”.

They were holding banners and placards inscribed with slogans demanding punishment for those who committed war crimes in their country. They also displayed photos of the devastation caused in Afghanistan first by the Russians and then by “Islamic fundamentalists”.

A memorandum presented to the UN officials stated that the same gloom was still dominant in their country and most of the number one suspects of war crimes including Sayyaf, Rabbani, Khalili, Qanoni, Dostum, Mohaqiq, Akbari and Fahim were now either ministers or members of the parliament.

They demanded that the UN should drag the Afghan war criminals to the International Court of Justice.
The protesters criticised the western media for showing a peaceful image of Afghanistan after the US occupation, and ignoring killing, looting, corruption, bribery, abduction, rape, drug cultivation, human trafficking, unemployment and other miseries.

The memorandum also criticised the role being given by the US to the Northern Alliance in the new setup, stating: “The Northern Alliance should know that the bleeding wounds they have inflicted upon the people of Afghanistan during all the years of their Jehadi rule of gore and infamy are too open, too painful.”

It said traitors and dark minds were still in control of the fate of Afghan nation and calamities had gripped the motherland. Mr Karzai and his foreign guardians, who had invested in “fundamentalists” for many years, have been given key posts in the executive, judiciary and branches of government, it added.

 

Karzai offers olive branch to Taliban
Washington Post, April 28, 2006
Reported by Reuters
Several dozen Afghan women held a protest outside U.N. offices in the Pakistani capital to demand democracy and the prosecution of "warlords."
"Today is a black day because it brought civil war to our country in which 65,000 Afghans were killed and now, those criminals are in parliament," said Danish Hamid, a spokeswoman for the Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan.

 

Protest against warlords sway in Afghanistan
The Nation, April 29, 2006
By Our Correspondent
ISLAMABAD - To observe April 28,1992, as a Black Day when fundamentalists had entered Kabul, the Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA) staged a protest rally in Islamabad.

According to RAWA on April 28, 1992, after the fall of the Russian puppet regime, fundamentalist jehadi forces took power in Afghanistan and prevailed a reign of terror, rape, looting and destruction.

Over 65,000 people were killed only in Kabul from 1992-96 when the jehadi fundamentalists were replaced by ultra-fundamentalist Taliban. But today again the same criminal jehadi forces, instead of appearing in court of justice as war criminals, have key positions in the government of Hamid Karzai and trying to destabilize the situation.

RAWA says, while the warlords-fostering government of Mr. Karzai every year observe April 28 as a victory day, for Afghan people, particularly women, it is the darkest day in our history when the criminal fundamentalist bands took power in Kabul in 1992 following the collapse of the Russian puppet regime.

It was start of a new wave of terror, destruction and barbarism all over Afghanistan and especially the capital Kabul in the hands of these terrorist gangs. And the gloom of 28th April is still dominant in our country and most of its number one suspects such as Sayyaf, Rabbani, Khalili, Qanoni, Dostum, Mohaqiq, Akbari, Fahim, Ismael etc. are either ministers or members of the parliament.

The RAWA every year stages a protest rally to denounce it as a Black Day. On April 28, 2006, RAWA organized a demonstration in front of the UN headquarter in Islamabad. The demonstrators numbering around 600 women and girls arrived from Peshawar and some other cities of Pakistan and nearby provinces of Afghanistan. A RAWA member presented a memorandum to UN authorities in the UN headquarters in Islamabad asking the UN to consider seriously bringing the top fundamentalist leaders in front of the International Curt for their role in war crimes in the past 14 years.

The demonstrators carried large photos depicting the destruction and devastation in Afghanistan and portraits of top criminals in the government with cross marking on their faces, together with banners and placards in Pashtu, Persian and English.

A number of RAWA activists raised cue slogans, which were responded with fervor by participants in the march. Some of the slogans on the banners were: “Parliament full of drug kingpins, criminals and traitors cant represent our people!”, “Collaboration with any of the fundamentalists is equivalent to treachery”, “The Northern Alliance should be brought to justice”, “April 28 odious than April 27”, “New cabinet: the same donkey with a new saddle.”

The participants criticized Western media for portraying peaceful image of Afghanistan while ignoring killing, looting, corruption, bribery, abduction, rape, drug cultivation, trafficking, wasting stealing of billions of dollars, unemployment and so many other miseries, which are very common in Afghanistan today. They also condemned the negative role of the Pakistan government in the events of April 28, 1992.

Delivering speech, a RAWA activist stated: "The re-emergence of the Northern Alliance criminals in different parts of our country crushed all hopes of our people for peace.

The Northern Alliance need to remember the years 1992 to 1996 when they were in power; when the execrable Gulbaddin Hekmatyar gang turned Kabul to rubble with their daily indiscriminate bombardment and rocketing; when the infamous Mazari-Khalili gang were gouging out the eyes of non-Hazaras; when the vile Sayyaf gang were driving 6-inch nails into the heads of Hazaras and broiling them alive in metal containers; when the perfidious Rabbani-Massoud gangs slaughtered the inhabitants of Afshar and other residential areas in Kabul and whitewashed the faces of all murderers, rapists and looters in history in terms of the barbarity and infamy.

The Northern Alliance should know that the bleeding wounds they have inflicted upon the people of Afghanistan during all the years of their jihadi rule of gore and infamy are too open, too painful.”

A statement in Persian and English was distributed during the rally. The title of the statement was “28th April, Mourning for People - Joy for Fundamentalists”. Parts of the statement read: “Traitors, country-betrayers, and dark minds are in control of our nations fate and our country is sunk in calamities. Mr. Karzai and his foreign guardians, who have invested in fundamentalists for many years, today have given key posts in the executive, legislation and judiciary branches of government, to the most infamous and bloody elements of the Northern Alliance and other savage bands.

“Mr. Karzai and his Afghan and foreign advisers have shown conspicuously that they are ready to shake hands in friendship with the filthiest individuals and parties, who now wear the bogus mask of democracy on their nasty faces. “

 

 

24 April, 2006
Hezb-e-Islami of Gulbuddin Hekmatyar has 34 members in the lower house of parliament
A powerful faction in the new Afghan parliament may still be controlled by a man regarded as a terrorist by the United States government
Institute for War & Peace Reporting, ARR No. 210, April 6, 2006
By Wahidullah Amani in Kabul
Hezb-e-Islami is back, green flag and all. The most radical and powerful of Afghanistan’s Islamic movements is an officially recognised political party which now claims to be one of the largest blocs in parliament.

Party leaders say they are poised to sweep to power in future elections now that they are able to campaign openly.

They also say that they have broken ties with the man most closely identified with Hezb-e-Islami, its founder Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, whom the United States lists as a wanted terrorist.

Many political analysts, however, are sceptical of the party’s claim that it has reformed.

Hekmatyar, one of the major commanders in the resistance to the Soviet occupation of the Eighties, is an unrepentant mujahedin. He has called repeatedly for a new holy war against the foreign occupiers and those who cooperate with them - including the current Afghan government.

He has publicly vowed that his supporters will never join the present regime.

“Hekmatyar’s policies are his own personal position. He does not represent Hezb-e-Islami,” said Sayed Rahman Wahedyar, a member of the faction in Kabul. “We have cut all ties with Hekmatyar.”

Wahedyar added that member of parliament Khalid Farooqi, a powerful Hezb-e-Islami commander in Paktika province during the mujahedin years, had been named as the party’s new leader.

But the new-look Hezb-e-Islami does not appear to have deviated far from its fundamentalist roots.

The feeling at party headquarters is decidedly conservative. Everyone is dressed in the traditional pirhan-tunbon, the loose shirt and flowing trouser that constitutes Afghan national dress. Most sport the pakul, the soft round hat that became a symbol of mujahedin resistance. And the vast majority wear long beards like those favoured by the Taleban and by Hekmatyar himself.

As a result of last September’s parliamentary election, Hezb-e-Islami has 34 members in the lower house of parliament, making it one of the largest groups in the 249-member body, according to Wahedyar.

Given Afghanistan’s chaotic political landscape, with 81 parties now registered and several more in the works, this represents a significant achievement. Wahedyar says the party would have been even more successful if it had been allowed to register earlier.

“The justice ministry did not want to let Hezb-e-Islami conduct political activities,” said Wahedyar. “They wanted us to change our name and flag. But we resisted.”

It took repeated negotiations with President Hamed Karzai, and one-and-a-half years, to overcome the government’s reluctance to see the symbols of Hekmatyar’s once-formidable power officially displayed.

“This was all engineered by our opponents, who are part of the current government,” said Wahedyar.

Hekmatyar has a host of enemies among those now in power. He engaged in a vicious civil war with many of them after the collapse of communist rule in 1992, when mujahedin commanders destroyed Kabul and much of the rest of the country in a fierce power struggle. He was twice prime minister between 1992 and 1996, although the shifting alliances and violent conflict made his appointment notional.

When the Taleban came to power in 1996, Hekmatyar went into exile in Iran, where he continued to run Hezb-e-Islami.

His outspoken condemnation of the invasion of Afghanistan and of the interim government established in the wake of the September 2001 attacks on the US got him expelled from Iran and earned him a place on the list of terrorists most wanted by the American government. In 2002, the CIA reportedly tried to assassinate him.

Hekmatyar is currently in hiding. Observers say he continues to have broad popular support, especially in the Pashtun-dominated south. An ethnic Pashtun himself, he appeals to many who want to see a strongly Islamic state established in Afghanistan, and who condemn what they see as the corrupting influence of the West.

His supporters say he has been unfairly excluded from power. They point to other former mujahedin leaders and militia commanders who have been accepted into the new government, and ask why Hekmatyar’s alleged crimes are deemed worse than those ascribed to General Abdul Rashid Dostum, the former strongman of the north who is now chief of staff of the armed forces, or of Ismail Khan, who ruled the western province of Herat with an iron hand until being made energy minister in December 2004.

Abdul Gheyas Eleyasi, head of the political parties department at the justice ministry, acknowledged that officials were initially reluctant to grant Hezb-e-Islami an official license.

“We registered them only after we received confirmation from the ministries of defence and the interior, as well as the security organs and UNAMA [the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan] that the party no longer had links with Hekmatyar,” said Eleyasi.

But many suspect that Hekmatyar is still running the show.

“Hekmatyar has played many such games and he has always won them,” said political analyst Fazul Rahman Orya. “Hezb-e-Islami is certainly here with Hekmatyar’s agreement. They are behaving according to Hekmatyar’s wishes, so as to accomplish his goals.”

 

Tuesday, 11 April, 2006
RAWA launch appeal for Child Sponsorship Program & New Orphanages
There is an urgent need in our growing child sponsorship program. This program, which enables sponsors to build relationships with their sponsored child via the internet, has filled our existing orphanage facilities. To aid the children still living in dire situations, we urgently need to add more of these facilities.

To help us to meet this need, our partners, CharityHelp International and Afghan’s Women’s Mission, have assisted us in implementing a program to enable individuals or organizations to contribute towards an entire orphanage. You and/or your organization can support this effort by providing one-time or on-going operational support for starting new orphanages that we expect will eventually become self-sustaining through our child sponsorship program. For more information on how this can easily be done online, see www.charityhelp.org/rawa.

You and/or your organization can support an orphanage at increasing levels up to founding a complete orphanage. Should you and/or your organization decide to do this, you and/or your organization would instrumental in helping us change hundreds (if not, thousands) of lives over the coming years. The founder of an orphanage would only need to support the initial cost of setting up the orphanage. CharityHelp International and other supporters would take care of all the administration associated with running this project along with on-going solicitation of child and sustaining sponsorships to support annual costs.

If paid via our website, for $16,000 you and/or your organization can become a silver level founding sponsor of a new orphanage (see https://charityhelp.org/sponsor/founding_sponsorship.php). Alternatively, if you and/or your organization are able to pay the money directly to RAWA so we do not need to pay the credit card processor and the International Humanity Center (which provides charitable status in the US); the amount needed can be reduced to $14,500.

Our costs at the orphanages have dramatically increased recently for many reasons including the over 50% increase in rents due to the recent devastating earthquake. Unfortunately, these costs are even higher in war-torn Afghanistan. Even though the orphanage operating costs are still lower in Pakistan we are driven by the need to work towards going home. Those of us who live in Pakistan still live as refugees and could be forced to leave at any time by the Pakistan government. As well, the children deserve to live in orphanages close to their native homes where they can visit their remaining relatives as often as possible. We are nurturing the next generation of Afghan citizens and can do so in our native land with your support. Unfortunately, current sponsorship levels do not support the operating costs for Afghanistan or Pakistan. So, in an effort to keep our individual child sponsorship price as low as possible, CharityHelp International has developed a way for dono! rs to support the whole orphanage via the sustaining sponsorship program. For more information, see: https://charityhelp.org/sponsor/orphanage_sponsor.php

To commemorate these donations, CharityHelp International is announcing the virtual “Wall of Honour”. To honour the founding sponsors, CharityHelp International will create a special page on their website announcing each new orphanage and its Founding Sponsor/s. You and/or your organization will be recognized on a plaque at the orphanage as the founding sponsor.

We are also looking for feedback on these new opportunities or any additional ideas you may have to generate support for RAWA’s orphanages. If you have comments, questions, or ideas about CharityHelp International’s new orphanage sponsorship program please send them to orphanagefund@charityhelp.org

 

United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), Mar.21, 2006

UNICEF warns of continued threat facing women and children

An estimated 600 children under the age of five die every day in Afghanistan, mostly due to preventable illnesses, some 50 women die every day due to obstetric complications...

More than one quarter of Afghan babies do not see their fifth birthday (UNESCO, 1997).

According to UNICEF's State of the World's Children Report, Afghanistan has the fourth worst record in under five child mortality, the infant mortality rate being 152 per 1,000 live births.
The Frontier Post October 25, 2000

Kabul 21 March 2006
As Afghanistan's new school year officially begins tomorrow (Wednesday) UNICEF's Deputy Executive Director, Ms. Rima Salah, has warned of a continued threat facing Afghan women and children from high rates of child and maternal mortality, low levels of school enrolment and neglect of children's fundamental rights.

Speaking at the start of a week-long visit to Afghanistan, Ms. Salah expressed concern at the health, education and protection status of children and women; an estimated 600 children under the age of five die every day in Afghanistan, mostly due to preventable illnesses, some 50 women die every day due to obstetric complications, less than half of primary school age girls attend classes, while a quarter of primary school age children undertake some form of work, and an estimated one-third of women are married before the age of 18.

"With more children in school than ever before in Afghanistan, school gates across Afghanistan will open again tomorrow for a new academic year – but at least one in two girls who should be in classes will remain at home," said Ms. Salah. "One in five children in this country do not survive long enough even to reach school age. Others will drop out of school, to support their families. This is a tragedy that threatens progress made in recent years."

Ms. Salah recognized the recent spate of incidents against schools in some part of Afghanistan as undermining the cause of development. "Attacks against education are attacks against the most basic rights of all Afghan people," she said. "We urge communities and authorities to work together to find ways of ensuring all children enjoy the opportunity to go to school."

Ms. Salah is calling upon the international community to increase support to development programmes for women and children. Congratulating the Government for including key targets for improvements in for child and maternal health and education in the recent Afghanistan Compact, she urged donors to provide the resources needed to meet those goals.

"Unless the world makes tangible commitments to the Government and people of Afghanistan, increasing investment in core services such as health, education and protection of children, development will continue to be constrained," noted Ms. Salah. "Efforts to reach the Millennium Development Goals will be thwarted unless every Afghan child enjoys a quality basic education, free from abuse and exploitation. These are inalienable rights that we must guarantee."

Ms. Salah will also urge Government and donor representatives to improve outreach of services to Afghanistan's provinces, to reduce disparities between urban and rural communities.

"We have seen so much progress made in recent years, with new institutions in place and stronger policies for women and children, but long-term growth cannot happen if we do not meet our obligations to safeguard health, education and protection," said Ms. Salah. "The children who will flood through those school gates tomorrow, and more importantly those will still remain at home, expect nothing less."

 

Thursday, 9 March, 2006
RAWA statement on the International Women’s Day — 8 March
“Let’s rise united and resolute for liberation and against the fundamentalism!”
Another Eighth of March has arrived but still the Afghan women are hostage to the fundamentalists’ claws. The continuation of traitor-loving policies of Mr. Karzai and his sympathetic friends by the indication of US government is still like spears entering deeper and deeper into the injured face of our unfortunate people. Whenever the criminal “Emirs” and their commanders commit another heinous crime, instead of being sued, they are rewarded and receive higher posts.

Murder, robbery, kidnapping and the rape of women and children has become the routine. There is a high rate of women committing suicide and an ever expanding cultivation and trafficking of narcotics, all while billions of dollars of foreign aid and public resources are squandered away. Unemployment and homelessness is on the rise. Opening of Kabul Serina Hotel and other hotels of this type in a country with the lowest rate of income per capita in the world doesn’t mean development but it is indeed providing sensual environment for criminals and mocking about the miserable life condition of majority of our nation. The compromising government is unable even to solve smallest of these issues. The country is in chaos.

The last four years of experience in our Afghan nation has confirmed the point that for the government of Karzai, the will of our oppressed nation is not the priority but it is the interests of criminals. Mr. Karzai doesn’t want to and can’t destroy the band of criminals from Afghanistan because the interests of both parties are intertwined.

In the presidential elections the majority of our people gave their votes to Mr. Karzai in the hope that he will prosecute and punish all the criminal fundamentalists for their crimes and atrocities. But he betrayed the vote of the people. That is why in the parliamentary elections, our deceived and hopeless people knew whether they vote or not, the composition of parliament will be made behind the scenes. Jehadi executioners were placed into parliament in order to guarantee the ability to pass and enforce laws that oppress the common people and the country, legitimize the signing of the "Strategic treaty between USA and Afghanistan" and other similar oppressive treaties.

RAWA has stated several times that the government, the court and parliament under the domination of the criminal “Northern Alliance”, the Taliban, Gulbuddini, Parchami and Khaliqi traitors, will never do any good for our bereaved people. Against the unsubstantiated accusations of collaborators that RAWA’s criticisms and attacks on government are always from a negative point of view, treacherousness and corruption has meshed around the roots of government so deeply that its nasty smell has not only been published in the world’s most respected publications; but even Habibullah Qaderi the so called minister of anti-narcotics and Ali Ahmad Jalali, former interior minister, have been forced to confirm that the government is dominated by the mafia.

It is clear in these circumstances, that the grant of more than 10 billion dollars promised during the London Conference will not be used for the masses, but instead like the previous 12 billion dollars, will fill the pockets of the “Northern Alliance” to buy their loyalty to the US.

In the situation when, by the support of criminals the innocent blood of Rahimas, Aminas, Nadias, Gulbers, Saimas and … pours on the ground, the presence of pro-fundamentalist women in the cabinet is nothing but a tool in the hand of government to say to the world and people, “Look at Afghanistan, Women have gained so much freedom!” The mentioned women, like most of the women in the parliament, are as much indifferent to the plight of Afghan people as Sayyaf, Rabbani, Qanonni, Gulbuddin, Mullah Omar and their partners.

The “Northern Alliance”, who gave shelter to Assadullah Sarwari until now, today they want that by punishing him to death, the Afghan peoples’ desire to prosecute the filthier criminals than him, will willow in despair and vanish forever.

Our people and especially the mournful women will not abandon the pursuit of the trial and punishment of religious fascist and Soviet puppets for any price or condition, because they have realized this now more than ever before, that until these unchaste felons are thrown off the throne, they will not be witness to the dawn of freedom, democracy and prosperity in their Afghanistan.

We are not alone in our difficult and tumultuous struggle against the “Northern Alliance” and their Gulbuddini, Talibi and Al-Qaeda brothers. Women of Iran, Kurdistan, Palestine, Turkey, Latin America and other countries are in combat for democracy and against the plague of fundamentalism and war. We sympathize with them and we must assist the movement of women in rest of the world by intensifying our decisive struggle against fundamentalism and their supporters in the region.

Regards to the imprisoned freedom-loving women in Iran and all over the world!

Long live the solidarity between the resilient women of Afghanistan and other countries!

Down with all fundamentalists, the most evil enemies of Afghanistan and human beings!

Hold high the glorious flag of RAWA and all organizations and persons supporting democracy against criminal fundamentalists!

 

BBC NEWS, February 26, 2006
“Millions of dollars worth of aid money is being wasted”

Ashraf Ghani: "More than 90% of the more than $1bn that was spent on about 400 UN projects in Afghanistan in 2002 was a waste of money"
By Toby Poston, BBC News business reporter
As more than 5,000 British troops are being deployed in Afghanistan, it is becoming clear that the dire security situation is just one of many obstacles that hold back reconstruction efforts.

True, security is a major worry for aid agencies, who saw 30 of their workers die last year.

But in some cases, the agencies' wasteful bureaucracies are also holding back efforts to rebuild this war ravaged country, according to Ashraf Ghani, who has written a report on international development and post-war reconstruction, sponsored by the Overseas Development Institute (ODI).

As chancellor of Kabul University and Afghan finance minister between 2002-2004, Mr Ghani's word carries some weight.

When he says millions of dollars worth of aid money is being wasted, both donor nations and aid agencies take note.

Complete waste of money

Mr Ghani believes the Afghan government could build a school for about $40,000 (£23,000), a fraction of the $250,000 cost racked up when one international aid agency took on the task of delivering 500 schools.

The difference would arise because the Afghan government would use locally hired contractors, while the aid agency spent 80% of its funds on hiring external technical assistants, he explains.

Another case of money being wasted was the reconstruction of the road between Kandahar and the capital Kabul, which the government estimated would cost $35m.

It was eventually built by USAID and ended up costing more than $190m, Mr Ghani says.

Moreover, these are not isolated cases, Mr Ghani insists, as he estimates that more than 90% of the more than $1bn that was spent on about 400 UN projects in Afghanistan in 2002 was a waste of money.

More harm than good

But the billions of dollars of aid pumped into Afghanistan over the past four years have not merely been wasted; the cash injections might even be doing more harm than good, Mr Ghani suggests.

The country's 280,000 civil servants earn an average wage of $50 per month, while approximately 50,000 Afghans work for aid organisations where support staff earn up to $1000 a month.

"Within six months of starting my job as finance minister, my best people had been stolen by international aid organisations who could offer them forty to a hundred times the salary we could," Ashraf Ghani says.
In particular, it has been damaging to the government and its ability to build law and order and deliver public services, he says.

With more than 2,400 national and international aid agencies and other non-governmental organisations (NGOs) registered in the country, the government is finding it hard to hold on to its staff, Mr Ghani says.

The country's 280,000 civil servants earn an average wage of $50 per month, while approximately 50,000 Afghans work for aid organisations where support staff earn up to $1000 a month.

"Within six months of starting my job as finance minister, my best people had been stolen by international aid organisations who could offer them forty to a hundred times the salary we could," he says.

Lucrative work

ODI workers on the ground say Mr Ghani has a point.

They say Afghanistan is brimming with expensive foreign contractors and consultants who are often duplicating or replacing work that could be carried out by the government.

"There is a tendency for UN agencies and non-government organisations to rush in with thousands of small projects, each requiring international staff and drivers," says Clare Lockhart, a research fellow at the ODI and a former advisor to the Afghan finance ministry.

These experts cost far more in overheads like living expenses and repatriation costs than in actual fees for their services, but with further lucrative work in the pipeline, it is not in their interests to pass on their skills to their Afghan counterparts, Ms Lockhart explains.

An inquiry by the US daily, the Washington Post (Nov.20, 2005), has discovered serious flaws in the US efforts to rebuild Afghanistan, suggesting that corruption and inefficiency caused millions of dollars to be wasted on useless projects.
Nevertheless, she also points out that some projects, for example like the National Solidarity Programme, are worth copying.

The programme has seen hundreds of millions of dollars delivered straight to local communities, thus enabling 13,000 villages to plan and manage their own reconstruction and development projects, she says.

Corruption

Critical voices, such as Mr Ghani's, have helped ensure that in future Afghanistan's own government and people will gain greater control over how aid money is spent.

Early this month, the launch of the Afghan Compact initiative saw more than $10.5bn in aid pledged to Afghanistan over the next five years, as part of an agreement where both the Afghan government and its outside backers must benchmarks progress in areas such as security, economic development and better government.

In the UK, the Department for International Development is paying 70% of this year's £100m aid budget direct to the Afghan government, making it the largest donor to it's core budget.

The funds are not earmarked, and there are firm commitments to deliver the funds for at least three years hence. This gives the Afghan government the chance to plan ahead.

 

February 5, 2006
Drugs link to Afghan cabinet
(The Age, February 6, 2006)
"Some cabinet ministers in Afghanistan are deeply implicated in the drugs trade"
By Toby Harnden, Kabul
SOME cabinet ministers in Afghanistan are deeply implicated in the drugs trade and could be diverting foreign aid into trafficking, the country's anti-narcotics minister has said.

The admission will dismay Western governments, which last week pledged $US10.5 billion ($A14 billion) in aid, including £505 million ($A1188 million) from Britain, to help fight poverty, improve security and crack down on drugs.

It raises the prospect that donated funds could be used indirectly to kill British soldiers, 3300 of whom will be stationed in Helmand province, where corrupt officials, insurgent fighters and drug lords reign.

"I don't deny that," said Habibullah Qaderi, when asked whether corruption linked to the £2.7 billion-a-year drugs trade was extended to the cabinet.

But he declined to name names and said Afghanistan's weak justice system meant it was difficult to convert allegations into fact.

Western aid officials and several European diplomats named the same high-ranking politicians, including one with close links to Afghan President Hamid Karzai, as drug lords.

"The Afghans complain that 75 per cent of aid is spent directly rather than being filtered through their Government but the reason for that is because otherwise a significant proportion is skimmed off into the pockets of drug lords," said one American aid worker.

But a European diplomat in Kabul said: "The problem, as ever, is the smoking gun. We all know it is happening. We all know the names. But I have never seen any direct evidence and I don't know anyone who has."

 

Militants behead headmaster in S. Afghanistan
"over the past one year some 1,500 people have been killed."
KABUL, Jan. 4 (Xinhuanet) --
In the latest wave of violent attacks, the anti-government militants in Afghanistan beheaded a headmaster of a school in the country's southern Zabul province Tuesday night, director of provincial education department said Wednesday.

"Armed militants entered the house of Abdul Habib , the headmaster of the Shikh Mati Lycee in Zabul's provincial capital Qalat last night and brutally beheaded him in front of his children," Mohammad Nabi Khoshal told Xinhua.

He put the attack on the enemies of Afghanistan in a term used against Taliban insurgents.

Some eight personnel of educational institutions including teachers and students have been killed and three schools were set on fire over the past two months mostly in the southern provinces, the hub of Taliban loyalists.

Remnants of the former Taliban regime who vowed to oust the Afghan government and expel the U.S.-dominated foreign troops from the country have intensified their activities over the past one year during which some 1,500 people have been killed.

 

RAWA’s response to “The Afghanistan Miracle”
published in The Seattle Times (October 4, 2005) by Diane Tebelius

The “Miracle” or a Mockery of Afghanistan?
by Mehmooda Shekiba
Ms. Diane Tebelius, Republican congressional candidate and observer in the Afghan elections sponsored by the International Republican Institute, is perhaps the first election observer in Afghanistan who wasted no time to communicate her impression in The Seattle Times of October 4, 2005.

A few days ago Ms. Tebelius returned to the United States from Kabul, I am writing these notes as a response to her dreadful article from inside my trampled country. As a member of RAWA, I had to be in several provinces to meet as many people as possible regarding the elections. Tebelius can enjoy the luxury of sitting in her house and so easily call the disgusting mockery of an election “the miracle of Afghanistan”, while I am crying from among the people in the hell of the Taliban and Northern Alliance (NA) terrorists and their “westernized” accomplices. Tebelius and other election observers with their bullet-proofs and body guards were in the hands of the American soldiers and Afghan agents. She might have been told about “swift spreading democracy”, “prosperity”, “complete security” and other “miracles” in our land of warlords and payees of foreign powers. On the other hand since she was selected by the U.S. government that brought Karzai and the Northern Alliance to the scene, it comes as no surprise she is not calling a spade a spade.

One of her miraculous statements is: “The Afghan people see Americans as liberators.”

A distorted proclamation! As we have repeatedly asserted and shown, all of the fundamentalist bands including Taliban were created, funded, and trained by the CIA turning a blind eye to the higher interest of the Afghan people and to the consequence of such sinister support to the fate of freedom and democracy in our country. Thus, the US war on the Taliban is nothing but a family fracas between the father and his rogue children. The US started the fracas by not replacing religious tyranny with democracy, by not relying on the people, but rather by siding with the NA, the very worst enemies of our people. It goes without saying that Afghans will not see as their “liberators” those who drove the Taliban wolves through one door and unchained the rabid dogs of the NA through another. How a nation “sees as liberators” those who have blown to shreds not the terrorists but thousands of innocents? How can simple Afghans “see Americans as liberators” while the “liberators” are going to woo their men in the government and in the parliament to approve the establishment of the US bases on our soil for decades, which obviously goes contrary to the independence of the country? Our people say that if Americans were their liberators, they should have not allowed about 200 criminals and arch enemies of democracy to pave their way to the parliament and provincial council. After four years the people see that the “liberators'” promises for them were all lies. And bear it in mind, Ms. Tebelius, that our ruined people have no doubt that those with the disgraceful stories of Abu Ghraib cannot be their “liberators”. Do we need to recite abuses of the “liberators” in Afghanistan?

Even high-salaried government spokespersons do not have the courage to utter such nonsense openly before the people of Afghanistan. But Ms. Tebelius as a U.S. agent and good friend of one of the two most corrupt governments in Asia can and has to throw dust in the eyes of Americans.

Now let’s see more of her “miraculous” words: “I am convinced, now more than ever, that spreading of democracy is the only long-term strategy to defeat global terrorism.”

Nice maxim! But were Americans or Karzai & Co. “spreading democracy” since 2001? After 9/11 when the U.S. resorted to bomb our wounded country and take the lives of several thousands innocent civilians it helped the bloodthirsty NA seize power. The NA is comprised of those millionaire rapists busy in the opium trade under the very nose of the US troops. They are the people behind the insecurity, kidnappings, embezzlement of billions of dollars of foreign aids, injustices, anti-women constraints, covering up of the day light murders, and so on and so forth.

They include the likes of Dr Abdullah, Younis Qanooni, Zia Massud, Karim Khalili, Burhanuddin Rabbani, Mohaqiq, Sarwar Danish, Ms. Mosouda Jalal, Nematullah Shahrani, Ismail Khan, Ms. Sediqa Balkhi, Rasul Sayyaf, Ikram Masoomi, Rashid Dostum, Mullah Fazil Hadi Shinwari, Ms. Amena Afzali and others are stained with the blood of tens of thousands of Kabul residents. All of these ladies and gentlemen have the disgraceful scar of inhuman brutalities against our people in the blackest years of 1992-1996. They are “our” ministers, vice presidents and advisors to the president. Most of the Afghan ambassadors, governors, secretaries and other high ranking officials are also affiliated with NA mafia.

Don’t you know them, Ms. Tebelius? Just months ago The New York Times and The Los Angles Times named some of them including one of Karzai's brothers. Of course Human Right Watch (HRW) and other organizations have disclosed many more names. However, you Ms. Tebelius are making painstaking efforts to portray these criminals and spies as honorable persons under whose rule “democracy” will “spread” and an electoral “miracle” has already been performed! In any case, as one living in Afghanistan I shall mention the following parts of the “miracle” which obviously show only the tip of the iceberg:

- For the presidential election about 70 percent of eligible voters went to the polls. The real figure of the turnout at the “miraculous” elections however is less the 40 percent and in some areas even lower than 30 percent.

- A report by the HRW stated: “In addition to fear of Taliban and other insurgent forces, found primarily in the south and southeast, many voters and candidates voiced concerns to Human Right Watch about their sense of vulnerability at the hands of warlords forces, de facto or official militia forces ostensibly allied with the government:

“Across the country, candidates and political organizers complained to Human Right Watch of cases in which local commanders or strongmen, or local government officials linked with them have held meeting in which they have told voters and community leaders for whom to vote. In some cases, candidates and their supporters allege that direct threats have been communicated.” [1]

- Filthy figures of the Taliban including their foreign minister and the head of their dreaded religious secret police, notorious for executing and abusing thousands of men and women, criminals figures of the infamous terrorist band of Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, high level members of the Soviet backed puppet regime were allowed to stand as candidates, a major factor of disappointment of people to go to the polls.

A conservative EU observer mission said shortcomings during the campaign included intimidation, intervention by officials, inadequate voter lists and “deplorable” killing of candidates and election workers.

- The so-called Electoral Complaints Commission received hundreds of notes about crimes of the fundamentalist leaders, but except some scapegoats, none of them were disqualified. And you know Ms. Tebelius who is the head of the Commission? Bismullah Bismil, an infamous fundamentalist and close relative of Ismail Khan!

- Different kinds of rigging were so blatant that even pro-government and pro-fundamentalist papers couldn’t help but to hint at them.

- In many districts no women could participate in the elections due to security problems. Nevertheless thousands of votes of the women were somehow managed to be cast into the ballot boxes.

- Anti-fundamentalist and anti-government candidates of the parliament and provincial councils of Kapisa Province issued a joint statement condemning irregularities in the elections, desisted from campaign.

- In all areas under the warlords, tens of thousands of ballots have been marked in favor of certain candidates and youth under the age of 18 were brought to vote.

- Ballot boxes were kept for 48 hours or more before being transferred to the polling stations.

- Ms. Shokria Barekzai a participant from Kabul alleged that just in front of her own eyes, ten votes for her were cast for another candidate.

- In Kunduz province, 260,000 votes were cast, but 6,000 of them were excluded in favor of a pro-fundamentalist candidate.

- In some ballots, voters had written words like “he is a murderer”, “he is a bandit”, “he is a foreign agent”, “He is a Talib”, etc. against some candidates, but they were all counted as valid votes.

- Thousands of votes for independent candidates were burnt and thousands of fake votes were cast for the pro-fundamentalists/ pro-Karzai candidates.

- Supervisors and vote counters were forbidden to carry pens. But during a check in a polling center in Nangarhar province, more than 200 pens were found from the mentioned workers. When I asked a middle-aged teacher which candidates is her favorite, she replied: “How can I vote for Engineer Ghaffar, or Hazarat Ali and the like who have blood on their hands?”

- In a constituency in Paktia province, the number of voters was ten thousand, but at least twenty thousands ballots were cast there.. A 30- year-old man from Paktia who was not willing to vote told me: “When I see a traitor like General Shahnawaz Tanai that is so openly is active in election campaign, I can understand how anti-democratic and ridiculous the present election is.”

- In Farah province, Naim Khan Farahi, the biggest landlord of the province, directly backed by the government, by the United Nations’ UNAMA and his gunmen became the “first winner” by committing every kind of irregularity. A nephew of this person is the head of UNAMA in Farah. In Farahrod district another nephew of his (Zabet Jalil) was forcing people by use of his armed henchmen to vote for his uncle.

- Most of the people in Farah are of the opinion that if there were not so much fraud in the elections; Malaali Joya would have garnered at least fifty percent of all votes.

- As in Herat and Nimroz provinces, the regime of Iran had also a hand in Farah. Its intelligence agencies gave 100 millions Toman (about $117,000) to Haji Taimor Shah. His huge color posters were unmatched by others.

- nmatched nt, UNAMA and his gun The stink of the elections spread so wide that even the terrorist Al-Zawahiri talked about them in his statement of 20 September: “The election have been conducted under the terror of [Afghan] warlords. The elections were a masquerade more than anything else, as various regions of the country are under the control of highway men and warlords, and international observers …even the ballot boxes remained in the hands of warlords, bandits and the US agents before they were deposited at the polling centers.”

To get another idea about the scale of corruption and the Karzai regime, we draw your attention to a confidential document recently disclosed by Dr. Ramazan Bashardost. As soon as Dr Bashardost was assigned as the minister of planning he tried to stop activities of 2,000 suspicious and money-maker NGOs, but was soon forced to resign. According to the document, presidents` spokesperson, ministers and high ranking officials, in addition of other allowances get up to $36,000 annually from a British company. Whereas the disabled get $6 and ordinary government employees get $60 per month only.

The overwhelming corruption has risen to the highest organs. “The President had asked me to assume the responsibility of the Administration of Fight against Corruption,” says Bashardost, “I however told him that I would undertake it provided to start from the Presidential Palace.”

In an interview with Reuters on Aug.30, 2005, he says:

"Government members, the NGOs, the big embassy staff, the United Nations staff ... they made a mafia system and you can see the result." [2]
"We received about $12 billion since three years, where is the money?" he said, referring to international aid since the overthrow of the Taliban in late 2001.”

"The Afghan people are against warlords, why does the international community, why does the Afghan government supports warlords?"

"In the provinces, all governors are former warlords, all chiefs of police, and the Afghan people don't accept this situation."

- And so on.

It is not difficult to predict what will be the result of the “miracle” election about which you take comfort. A parliament filled with the most cruel, misogynist, anti-democracy, and reactionary fundamentalists headed by such disgusting drug traders as Sayyaf, Qanoni, Rabbani, Mohaqqiq, Pairam Qul, Hazrat Ali, and their likes. These U.S. backed religious fascists will never “spread democracy”, but rather try to “legitimate” and perpetuate their bloody domination on our people by sitting in the legislature as “lawmakers”.

Ms. Tebelius, anybody who wants to be regarded as a friend of the people of Afghanistan and not of the present regime, she/he has to expose the fundamentalists and their dangerous agenda and avoid to dance to the tune of the US government or its blue-eyed boys in Afghanistan. As Aldous Huxley wrote, “The propagandist’s purpose is to make one set of people forget that certain other sets of people are human”. Please don’t play the role of a propagandist.

Moreover by naming the most scandalous elections in the world “the miracle of Afghanistan”, you have insulted millions of Afghans who didn’t vote for the murderers of their beloved ones. Can’t you feel how painful and disgusting it is to propagate such nonsense?

We hope to recognize you in the future as a sincere friend of our people.

Mehmooda Shekiba, RAWA
Kabul
October 25, 2005

Mehmooda Sheikiba is an activist of the Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA) who has worked in the publications committee of RAWA during the past five years.

----------------------

1- Human Rights Watch Backgrounder, “Key Areas of Concern. The Threat from Taliban and other Insurgent Forces” (August 2005) [go back]

2- From Robert Birsel, “Afghan Former Minister Takes Aim at ‘Mafia System’,” Reuters (August 30, 2005 at 3:53 AM ET) at http://today.reuters.com/News/CrisesArticle.aspx?storyId=ISL51261 [go back]

 

The Afghanistan Miracle
The Seattle Times (October 4, 2005)
by Diane Tebelius
Having just returned from Kabul, where I served as an election observer from the United States to Afghanistan's parliamentary elections, I am convinced, now more than ever, that spreading democracy is the only long-term strategy to defeat global terrorism.

I have witnessed firsthand the "miracle" of Afghanistan. The Afghan people see Americans as liberators and welcome our support, but our delegation never left the hotel without a security detail or our 30-pound bulletproof vests. And that is the picture that is painted in Afghanistan — the hope of democracy, shaded by the uncertainty of terrorism.

For the historic parliamentary elections, men and women, old and young, defied the ongoing threats from Taliban holdouts and voted for a future free from oppression and violence. Nearly 6,000 candidates ran for the 249 seats in the National Assembly and for the 34 provincial councils.

Because the illiteracy rates are high — 80 percent of the women, due in part to the Taliban's policy of denying women access to education, and 50 percent for men — the ballots included the picture of the candidate and a symbol for that candidate. And because there were more candidates than recognizable symbols, the candidates had symbols such as "one lion"; "two lions"; and even "three lions." Posters spread about the city before the election identified each candidate by their respective symbol.

What struck me about these candidates were the issues they talked about: the same issues we find in our own public debates in Washington state. Transportation, safety and jobs headlined the different campaigns. However, unlike our state, where we debate millions of dollars to expand freeways or add bus lanes, Afghans just want the roads paved.

Infrastructure, economic opportunity, public safety and education must exist within the context of a free society. A prosperous and free people will not strap bombs to themselves and blow up innocent women and children for any cause.

In debating the "roots" of terrorism, you can talk about programs. to help the poor, or debt relief, or diplomatic relations. But if the words "we the people," or "the emancipation of women," or "respect for the rule of law," have no meaning, then there is only tyranny.

The women selling their wares on the streets of Kabul can now walk freely about without fear of being beaten if they are not covered from head to foot. The women who once were prisoners in their own homes because it was against the law to be seen in public without a man now joyfully take their daughters to school.

There, too, lies a key to fighting terrorism. Surveys of Muslims that were conducted after the July bombings in London found that women, by a large margin, were much less sympathetic to the ideology of terrorism than were the men.

Free the women, and you begin to safeguard future generations from the snares of Osama bin Laden and his culture of hatred and death.

But building democracy and the institutions that serve the common good and protect individual rights, means you can never escape the uncertainty.

The story of Afghanistan, and other emerging democracies around the world, should inspire us to stay the course. America and the free countries of this world must continue to provide aid and, yes, even military support to the peoples of Afghanistan.

My most memorable moment involved meeting a young lady who had lost her father in the civil wars. She and her mother and brother had fled to Pakistan, and then returned when the Taliban took control. They were forced to leave again when she was told she could not attend school or even work. I asked her why she and her family chose to return after the Taliban's ouster, despite the uncertainty. "Because I love my country," was her heartfelt response.

This is the hope and future of Afghanistan. With the world's continued support, Afghans will succeed, terrorism will be defeated in that country, and the world will be safer.

Diane Tebelius, a former federal prosecutor and Republican congressional candidate, is an attorney in Seattle. She served as an observer in the Afghanistan elections under the sponsorship of the International Republican Institute, a nonprofit organization promoting the growth of freedom and human rights globally. IRI is not affiliated with the Republican Party; it receives some funding from the U.S. Agency for International Development.

 

RAWA’s response to “The Afghanistan Miracle”
published in The Seattle Times (October 4, 2005) by Diane Tebelius

The “Miracle” or a Mockery of Afghanistan?
by Mehmooda Shekiba
Ms. Diane Tebelius, Republican congressional candidate and observer in the Afghan elections sponsored by the International Republican Institute, is perhaps the first election observer in Afghanistan who wasted no time to communicate her impression in The Seattle Times of October 4, 2005.

A few days ago Ms. Tebelius returned to the United States from Kabul, I am writing these notes as a response to her dreadful article from inside my trampled country. As a member of RAWA, I had to be in several provinces to meet as many people as possible regarding the elections. Tebelius can enjoy the luxury of sitting in her house and so easily call the disgusting mockery of an election “the miracle of Afghanistan”, while I am crying from among the people in the hell of the Taliban and Northern Alliance (NA) terrorists and their “westernized” accomplices. Tebelius and other election observers with their bullet-proofs and body guards were in the hands of the American soldiers and Afghan agents. She might have been told about “swift spreading democracy”, “prosperity”, “complete security” and other “miracles” in our land of warlords and payees of foreign powers. On the other hand since she was selected by the U.S. government that brought Karzai and the Northern Alliance to the scene, it comes as no surprise she is not calling a spade a spade.

One of her miraculous statements is: “The Afghan people see Americans as liberators.”

A distorted proclamation! As we have repeatedly asserted and shown, all of the fundamentalist bands including Taliban were created, funded, and trained by the CIA turning a blind eye to the higher interest of the Afghan people and to the consequence of such sinister support to the fate of freedom and democracy in our country. Thus, the US war on the Taliban is nothing but a family fracas between the father and his rogue children. The US started the fracas by not replacing religious tyranny with democracy, by not relying on the people, but rather by siding with the NA, the very worst enemies of our people. It goes without saying that Afghans will not see as their “liberators” those who drove the Taliban wolves through one door and unchained the rabid dogs of the NA through another. How a nation “sees as liberators” those who have blown to shreds not the terrorists but thousands of innocents? How can simple Afghans “see Americans as liberators” while the “liberators” are going to woo their men in the government and in the parliament to approve the establishment of the US bases on our soil for decades, which obviously goes contrary to the independence of the country? Our people say that if Americans were their liberators, they should have not allowed about 200 criminals and arch enemies of democracy to pave their way to the parliament and provincial council. After four years the people see that the “liberators'” promises for them were all lies. And bear it in mind, Ms. Tebelius, that our ruined people have no doubt that those with the disgraceful stories of Abu Ghraib cannot be their “liberators”. Do we need to recite abuses of the “liberators” in Afghanistan?

Even high-salaried government spokespersons do not have the courage to utter such nonsense openly before the people of Afghanistan. But Ms. Tebelius as a U.S. agent and good friend of one of the two most corrupt governments in Asia can and has to throw dust in the eyes of Americans.

Now let’s see more of her “miraculous” words: “I am convinced, now more than ever, that spreading of democracy is the only long-term strategy to defeat global terrorism.”

Nice maxim! But were Americans or Karzai & Co. “spreading democracy” since 2001? After 9/11 when the U.S. resorted to bomb our wounded country and take the lives of several thousands innocent civilians it helped the bloodthirsty NA seize power. The NA is comprised of those millionaire rapists busy in the opium trade under the very nose of the US troops. They are the people behind the insecurity, kidnappings, embezzlement of billions of dollars of foreign aids, injustices, anti-women constraints, covering up of the day light murders, and so on and so forth.

They include the likes of Dr Abdullah, Younis Qanooni, Zia Massud, Karim Khalili, Burhanuddin Rabbani, Mohaqiq, Sarwar Danish, Ms. Mosouda Jalal, Nematullah Shahrani, Ismail Khan, Ms. Sediqa Balkhi, Rasul Sayyaf, Ikram Masoomi, Rashid Dostum, Mullah Fazil Hadi Shinwari, Ms. Amena Afzali and others are stained with the blood of tens of thousands of Kabul residents. All of these ladies and gentlemen have the disgraceful scar of inhuman brutalities against our people in the blackest years of 1992-1996. They are “our” ministers, vice presidents and advisors to the president. Most of the Afghan ambassadors, governors, secretaries and other high ranking officials are also affiliated with NA mafia.

Don’t you know them, Ms. Tebelius? Just months ago The New York Times and The Los Angles Times named some of them including one of Karzai's brothers. Of course Human Right Watch (HRW) and other organizations have disclosed many more names. However, you Ms. Tebelius are making painstaking efforts to portray these criminals and spies as honorable persons under whose rule “democracy” will “spread” and an electoral “miracle” has already been performed! In any case, as one living in Afghanistan I shall mention the following parts of the “miracle” which obviously show only the tip of the iceberg:

- For the presidential election about 70 percent of eligible voters went to the polls. The real figure of the turnout at the “miraculous” elections however is less the 40 percent and in some areas even lower than 30 percent.

- A report by the HRW stated: “In addition to fear of Taliban and other insurgent forces, found primarily in the south and southeast, many voters and candidates voiced concerns to Human Right Watch about their sense of vulnerability at the hands of warlords forces, de facto or official militia forces ostensibly allied with the government:

“Across the country, candidates and political organizers complained to Human Right Watch of cases in which local commanders or strongmen, or local government officials linked with them have held meeting in which they have told voters and community leaders for whom to vote. In some cases, candidates and their supporters allege that direct threats have been communicated.” [1]

- Filthy figures of the Taliban including their foreign minister and the head of their dreaded religious secret police, notorious for executing and abusing thousands of men and women, criminals figures of the infamous terrorist band of Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, high level members of the Soviet backed puppet regime were allowed to stand as candidates, a major factor of disappointment of people to go to the polls.

A conservative EU observer mission said shortcomings during the campaign included intimidation, intervention by officials, inadequate voter lists and “deplorable” killing of candidates and election workers.

- The so-called Electoral Complaints Commission received hundreds of notes about crimes of the fundamentalist leaders, but except some scapegoats, none of them were disqualified. And you know Ms. Tebelius who is the head of the Commission? Bismullah Bismil, an infamous fundamentalist and close relative of Ismail Khan!

- Different kinds of rigging were so blatant that even pro-government and pro-fundamentalist papers couldn’t help but to hint at them.

- In many districts no women could participate in the elections due to security problems. Nevertheless thousands of votes of the women were somehow managed to be cast into the ballot boxes.

- Anti-fundamentalist and anti-government candidates of the parliament and provincial councils of Kapisa Province issued a joint statement condemning irregularities in the elections, desisted from campaign.

- In all areas under the warlords, tens of thousands of ballots have been marked in favor of certain candidates and youth under the age of 18 were brought to vote.

- Ballot boxes were kept for 48 hours or more before being transferred to the polling stations.

- Ms. Shokria Barekzai a participant from Kabul alleged that just in front of her own eyes, ten votes for her were cast for another candidate.

- In Kunduz province, 260,000 votes were cast, but 6,000 of them were excluded in favor of a pro-fundamentalist candidate.

- In some ballots, voters had written words like “he is a murderer”, “he is a bandit”, “he is a foreign agent”, “He is a Talib”, etc. against some candidates, but they were all counted as valid votes.

- Thousands of votes for independent candidates were burnt and thousands of fake votes were cast for the pro-fundamentalists/ pro-Karzai candidates.

- Supervisors and vote counters were forbidden to carry pens. But during a check in a polling center in Nangarhar province, more than 200 pens were found from the mentioned workers. When I asked a middle-aged teacher which candidates is her favorite, she replied: “How can I vote for Engineer Ghaffar, or Hazarat Ali and the like who have blood on their hands?”

- In a constituency in Paktia province, the number of voters was ten thousand, but at least twenty thousands ballots were cast there.. A 30- year-old man from Paktia who was not willing to vote told me: “When I see a traitor like General Shahnawaz Tanai that is so openly is active in election campaign, I can understand how anti-democratic and ridiculous the present election is.”

- In Farah province, Naim Khan Farahi, the biggest landlord of the province, directly backed by the government, by the United Nations’ UNAMA and his gunmen became the “first winner” by committing every kind of irregularity. A nephew of this person is the head of UNAMA in Farah. In Farahrod district another nephew of his (Zabet Jalil) was forcing people by use of his armed henchmen to vote for his uncle.

- Most of the people in Farah are of the opinion that if there were not so much fraud in the elections; Malaali Joya would have garnered at least fifty percent of all votes.

- As in Herat and Nimroz provinces, the regime of Iran had also a hand in Farah. Its intelligence agencies gave 100 millions Toman (about $117,000) to Haji Taimor Shah. His huge color posters were unmatched by others.

- nmatched nt, UNAMA and his gun The stink of the elections spread so wide that even the terrorist Al-Zawahiri talked about them in his statement of 20 September: “The election have been conducted under the terror of [Afghan] warlords. The elections were a masquerade more than anything else, as various regions of the country are under the control of highway men and warlords, and international observers …even the ballot boxes remained in the hands of warlords, bandits and the US agents before they were deposited at the polling centers.”

To get another idea about the scale of corruption and the Karzai regime, we draw your attention to a confidential document recently disclosed by Dr. Ramazan Bashardost. As soon as Dr Bashardost was assigned as the minister of planning he tried to stop activities of 2,000 suspicious and money-maker NGOs, but was soon forced to resign. According to the document, presidents` spokesperson, ministers and high ranking officials, in addition of other allowances get up to $36,000 annually from a British company. Whereas the disabled get $6 and ordinary government employees get $60 per month only.

The overwhelming corruption has risen to the highest organs. “The President had asked me to assume the responsibility of the Administration of Fight against Corruption,” says Bashardost, “I however told him that I would undertake it provided to start from the Presidential Palace.”

In an interview with Reuters on Aug.30, 2005, he says:

"Government members, the NGOs, the big embassy staff, the United Nations staff ... they made a mafia system and you can see the result." [2]
"We received about $12 billion since three years, where is the money?" he said, referring to international aid since the overthrow of the Taliban in late 2001.”

"The Afghan people are against warlords, why does the international community, why does the Afghan government supports warlords?"

"In the provinces, all governors are former warlords, all chiefs of police, and the Afghan people don't accept this situation."

- And so on.

It is not difficult to predict what will be the result of the “miracle” election about which you take comfort. A parliament filled with the most cruel, misogynist, anti-democracy, and reactionary fundamentalists headed by such disgusting drug traders as Sayyaf, Qanoni, Rabbani, Mohaqqiq, Pairam Qul, Hazrat Ali, and their likes. These U.S. backed religious fascists will never “spread democracy”, but rather try to “legitimate” and perpetuate their bloody domination on our people by sitting in the legislature as “lawmakers”.

Ms. Tebelius, anybody who wants to be regarded as a friend of the people of Afghanistan and not of the present regime, she/he has to expose the fundamentalists and their dangerous agenda and avoid to dance to the tune of the US government or its blue-eyed boys in Afghanistan. As Aldous Huxley wrote, “The propagandist’s purpose is to make one set of people forget that certain other sets of people are human”. Please don’t play the role of a propagandist.

Moreover by naming the most scandalous elections in the world “the miracle of Afghanistan”, you have insulted millions of Afghans who didn’t vote for the murderers of their beloved ones. Can’t you feel how painful and disgusting it is to propagate such nonsense?

We hope to recognize you in the future as a sincere friend of our people.

Mehmooda Shekiba, RAWA
Kabul
October 25, 2005

Mehmooda Sheikiba is an activist of the Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA) who has worked in the publications committee of RAWA during the past five years.

----------------------

1- Human Rights Watch Backgrounder, “Key Areas of Concern. The Threat from Taliban and other Insurgent Forces” (August 2005) [go back]

2- From Robert Birsel, “Afghan Former Minister Takes Aim at ‘Mafia System’,” Reuters (August 30, 2005 at 3:53 AM ET) at http://today.reuters.com/News/CrisesArticle.aspx?storyId=ISL51261 [go back]

 

The Afghanistan Miracle
The Seattle Times (October 4, 2005)
by Diane Tebelius
Having just returned from Kabul, where I served as an election observer from the United States to Afghanistan's parliamentary elections, I am convinced, now more than ever, that spreading democracy is the only long-term strategy to defeat global terrorism.

I have witnessed firsthand the "miracle" of Afghanistan. The Afghan people see Americans as liberators and welcome our support, but our delegation never left the hotel without a security detail or our 30-pound bulletproof vests. And that is the picture that is painted in Afghanistan — the hope of democracy, shaded by the uncertainty of terrorism.

For the historic parliamentary elections, men and women, old and young, defied the ongoing threats from Taliban holdouts and voted for a future free from oppression and violence. Nearly 6,000 candidates ran for the 249 seats in the National Assembly and for the 34 provincial councils.

Because the illiteracy rates are high — 80 percent of the women, due in part to the Taliban's policy of denying women access to education, and 50 percent for men — the ballots included the picture of the candidate and a symbol for that candidate. And because there were more candidates than recognizable symbols, the candidates had symbols such as "one lion"; "two lions"; and even "three lions." Posters spread about the city before the election identified each candidate by their respective symbol.

What struck me about these candidates were the issues they talked about: the same issues we find in our own public debates in Washington state. Transportation, safety and jobs headlined the different campaigns. However, unlike our state, where we debate millions of dollars to expand freeways or add bus lanes, Afghans just want the roads paved.

Infrastructure, economic opportunity, public safety and education must exist within the context of a free society. A prosperous and free people will not strap bombs to themselves and blow up innocent women and children for any cause.

In debating the "roots" of terrorism, you can talk about programs. to help the poor, or debt relief, or diplomatic relations. But if the words "we the people," or "the emancipation of women," or "respect for the rule of law," have no meaning, then there is only tyranny.

The women selling their wares on the streets of Kabul can now walk freely about without fear of being beaten if they are not covered from head to foot. The women who once were prisoners in their own homes because it was against the law to be seen in public without a man now joyfully take their daughters to school.

There, too, lies a key to fighting terrorism. Surveys of Muslims that were conducted after the July bombings in London found that women, by a large margin, were much less sympathetic to the ideology of terrorism than were the men.

Free the women, and you begin to safeguard future generations from the snares of Osama bin Laden and his culture of hatred and death.

But building democracy and the institutions that serve the common good and protect individual rights, means you can never escape the uncertainty.

The story of Afghanistan, and other emerging democracies around the world, should inspire us to stay the course. America and the free countries of this world must continue to provide aid and, yes, even military support to the peoples of Afghanistan.

My most memorable moment involved meeting a young lady who had lost her father in the civil wars. She and her mother and brother had fled to Pakistan, and then returned when the Taliban took control. They were forced to leave again when she was told she could not attend school or even work. I asked her why she and her family chose to return after the Taliban's ouster, despite the uncertainty. "Because I love my country," was her heartfelt response.

This is the hope and future of Afghanistan. With the world's continued support, Afghans will succeed, terrorism will be defeated in that country, and the world will be safer.

Diane Tebelius, a former federal prosecutor and Republican congressional candidate, is an attorney in Seattle. She served as an observer in the Afghanistan elections under the sponsorship of the International Republican Institute, a nonprofit organization promoting the growth of freedom and human rights globally. IRI is not affiliated with the Republican Party; it receives some funding from the U.S. Agency for International Development.

September 17, 2005
The women of Afghanistan find a leader

The New Statesman
By F Brinley Bruton

As the country wakes up from 25 years of conflict and despair, a young female politician is taking on the warlords and winning. F Brinley Bruton reports from Farah Province

August temperatures in Farah Province, on the border with Iran, can hit 50 C, beating residents into a submissive slouch. But on a Friday in Farah's capital, the offices of Malalai Joya, who is running for parliament, crackle with life. All activity focuses on a woman who is slumped in a chair, her head bowed and the side of her face swollen. Her mouth hangs slack and her tongue worries at her crooked teeth.

"This is the women of Afghanistan," says Joya. She pulls off the woman's black veil, exposing a nest of hair and blood about the size of a golf ball on the top of her head. Another bloody clump sits just behind her right ear. Joya then peels off the woman's clothes, revealing a lacerated right arm, bruised left leg and parallel marks slashing a thin breast. Only when Joya tugs at the woman's trousers does she grunt and cover herself.

Her parents say they have come to Joya's offices to save their daughter from a brutal husband. They complain that village police ignored repeated pleas to restrain him. The woman's father, a baker, says he is too poor to feed his six grandchildren. Just two days after the official start of campaigning, Joya misses an important appearance at Farah's Independence Day celebrations in order to shepherd the beaten woman through the system.

"Do you know she has been raped? And not only raped: her husband burned her," Joya says, large eyes flashing beneath long eyebrows that touch her temples, pointing at the woman's groin. "This is the women of Afghanistan."

Joya is unusually candid for an Afghan, but then again she is an unusual candidate in the parliamentary elections, which take place on 18 September. She is female and only 26 years old in a country that places great value on the wisdom of "white-beards" and where many believe women have no role outside the home. And unlike the vast majority of female candidates, who struggle to gain recognition from female voters outside their own families, Joya can count on broad male support. These factors, coupled with her criticism of the government for including warlords, seem destined to land her with a seat in the landmark elections. Beyond Farah, other Afghans are taking up her cause as their country wakes up from 25 years of war and despair.

Joya has spent only a few weeks campaigning officially, but she has been a serious contender for more than a year and a half, thanks to a two-minute event that changed the course of her life and could prove seminal for Afghanistan's future. In 2003, as Afghanistan worked to regain its footing after United States-led forces toppled the Taliban, Joya's community sent her to Kabul to the constitutional Loya Jirga, a meeting of about 500 prominent Afghans from all over the country empowered to draft the nation's new founding law. Joya, a women's literacy and health worker, says that soon after arriving she began to chafe at the "undemocratic attitude" of those running the meeting. She asked for permission to speak.

"I criticise my countrymen for allowing the legitimacy and legality of this Loya Jirga to be questioned by the presence of those criminals who brought our country to this state," read the transcripts of what she said. "It is a mistake to test those who have already been tested. They should be taken to the world court."

Uproar ensued and Joya's microphone was turned off. Some participants leapt from their seats and the call of "Allahu akbar" resounded through the tent. Those in charge demanded that Joya be expelled and punished, or at least that she apologise. She remained, did not apologise, and was called an infidel, a rude little girl and a communist.

Westerners might find it hard to understand how courageous her speech was. Without mentioning names, Joya had taken aim at the most powerful class of Loya Jirga participants: mujahedin and "holy warriors" revered for fighting and expelling the Soviets. After they ejected the Communists in 1989, many turned savagely on each other with no regard for civilians. It is estimated that 50,000 residents of Kabul died between 1992 and 1994 as ethnic militias fought each other; countless more were raped and maimed. Human rights groups blame these and other atrocities on forces including those of Abdul Rasul Sayyaf, a Pashtun leader with ties to Saudi Arabia, the northern Uzbek commander Abdul Rashid Dostum, and the deceased Tajik hero Ahmed Shah Massoud. Later, the US depended on these same mujahedin to help defeat the Taliban. Despite being implicated in human rights abuses, several leaders now hold ministerial posts.

The speech made Joya powerful enemies and she has survived at least four assassination attempts since then. She often travels incognito and she employs armed guards. Yet her outspokenness won her international awards and recognition from her government. She also became a hero to many ordinary people. It was all excellent preparation for a successful run for office.

Simply being a woman makes Joya part of a select group competing for a seat in the 249-seat Wolesi Jirga, or lower house of parliament. Under Afghan law, there has to be at least twice the number of women MPs as there are provinces, of which there are 34. The reserved seats are distributed to the provinces in proportion to the seats each has, with a minimum of one each. So, with 38 men and two other respected but relatively unknown women running in Farah, Joya, with her fame, her strong network and formidable reputation, stands a good chance of winning.

Joya's short speech at the Loya Jirga still resonates on Farah city's main avenue, which is lined with stores selling lengths of Iranian fabric, CDs, motorcycles and chickens. Campaign posters blanket the walls. The few women on the street wear all-encompassing blue burqas, or black veils that hide everything but hands and face. Men dominate the road, yet the single most obvious campaign poster is for a woman: Malalai Joya.

Mirwais Amir, 23, owner of the Today's Woman clothes shop, displays his two Joya posters. "In the middle of all those great men, she said something that opposed them. As a citizen of Farah, I am proud that one of our sisters has done that," he says. "I'm impressed that a woman said this in Afghanistan, where even men haven't spoken such things."

Despite Joya's popularity on the street, hers is not an easy battle. The most immediate problem is security. She employs about 12 guards, regularly receives death threats and rarely visits far-flung regions of Farah Province, out of fear. When she does travel, she wears a burqa and is accompanied by at least one other woman wearing an identical flowing blue garment.

In such fears, she is not alone. "Violence against women and girls in Afghanistan is pervasive; few women are exempt from the reality or threat of violence," an Amnesty International report said in May. "Afghan women and girls live with the risk of: abduction and rape by armed individuals; forced marriage; being traded for settling disputes and debts; and they face daily discrimination from all segments of society as well as by state officials."

Shocking statistics bear this out. Female life expectancy is 45 years, placing the country close to the bottom of international indices. Maternal mortality is 60 times higher than in industrialised countries, with one Afghan woman dying every 30 seconds from a pregnancy-related disease. It is estimated that between 3 and 14 per cent of all Afghan women can read and write.

Women are not the only ones to suffer. The thin spread of the international military contingent - 11,000 Nato soldiers, mostly in and around Kabul, and roughly 19,000 US troops, mostly in the south - has created a power vacuum, made worse by a relatively small and untrained national army. That leaves many at the mercy of the warlords, who steal, kill, kidnap and rape, critics say.

"Warlords still influence the lives of people," says Abdul Samat, an elder who is about 50 years old. He is visiting Joya from Rigi, a neighbouring village, to plead for help in finding the people who kidnapped and killed a relative, a two-year-old girl. The family has turned to the police, but to no avail. "People do not live in a secure environment, and children are being kidnapped," Abdul Samat says. "Show me security, show me where it is. There is no security. As I sit here I don't feel secure." He is just one person in a constant flow of visitors to Joya's offices asking for help and pledging their support.

Later Izatullah Wasifi, governor of Farah, plays down security fears. "Whatever you've been told is not a fact . . . We have problems like any other nation, any other country, just here and there. It is a fact, as it is a fact in New York and California and in England," says Wasifi, who has been in office for about four months. Afghanistan's governors are appointed, not elected.

I ask what he thinks of advice I received from security experts not to visit the province, and about NGOs having pulled out their international staff. "I would not deny that there are little issues here and there," he says, arguing that he has dealt aggressively with one of the main security problems - motorcycle, car and truck theft. "We have discovered many of the issues and . . . I would say 85 per cent have been recovered."

Subsequent events seem to support Joya's fears, not Wasifi's confidence. On 31 August, David Addison, a British lorry driver working on a road project, was kidnapped on the Herat-Kandahar highway in Farah. He was later found dead. Three policemen escorting his convoy were killed in the initial shoot-out and the fate of his interpreter is unknown. The Taliban were behind the attack, say officials. It was a frightening development in a province that had previously experienced little insurgent activity. And Farah's was not the only case: there were 19 Taliban-related deaths in Afghanistan during the same week, the Foreign Office said. Roughly 1,100 people have died in insurgency-related violence in the past six months.

Security problems affect everybody. Many of the country's provincial militia leaders, known as warlords, still control the countryside and are embraced or tolerated by the government of President Hamid Karzai. Admittedly, Karzai and his foreign backers are in a tight spot. Many doubt that he can get rid of the warlords, even though he has pledged to cleanse his government of "criminals", including anyone involved with the booming narcotics trade. To give him credit, he has removed a few notable figures from his cabinet, such as Mohammad Qasim Fahim, a former defence minister and head of the Northern Alliance, which helped defeat the Taliban. But even if Karzai set out after all warlords, distinguishing the criminals from the honest jihadis can be tricky. "Everybody has been involved in murdering and killing," says Najia Zewari of UNIFEM (the UN Development Fund for Women). "Many are building factories, supermarkets. So, not all commanders are good, but not all commanders are! bad."

Still, many worry that men linked to atrocities will win places in parliament and the provincial councils. This tendency to tolerate commanders despite their past puts the future of Afghanistan at risk, says Patricia Gossman, director of the Afghanistan Justice Project, which has criticised the Kabul government for not punishing those responsible for human rights abuses. "It is a serious problem. These people are a law unto themselves."

Warlords are not the only thing on Malalai Joya's mind. A large coterie of impoverished men and women work for her and depend on her, too - inevitable flotsam washed up by a quarter-century of war. She says the plight of such people has galvanised her ever since she was a refugee in the camps in Pakistan. "I once met a mother who had dressed her child in mourning clothes and was waiting for him to die because she didn't have money to take him to a doctor," she says. "She was just waiting for him to die."

Joya, who first fled with her family to Iran when she was four and then moved to Pakistan, started teaching other refugees to read and write when she was about 15. "When I came in from the camps I would cry and ask my father, 'Why do our people live like this?'" She credits her father, a former medical student who lost a leg fighting the Soviets, with planting the seed that grew into her political career. "He gave me the name Malalai," she says - Malalai being a national heroine who turned the tide of the Battle of Maiwand against the British in 1880. The story goes that she tore off her burqa, took up the sword and led a battalion to victory.

Although Joya is startlingly open about most things, she guards her family fiercely. She is loath to discuss her six sisters and three brothers, only one of whom lives in Farah. Most of the family lives in a city dominated by one of her powerful enemies, she explains. She does, however, talk about her husband, Saroj Ahmad, a student of agriculture in Kabul.

"I wanted to show the people that I married a person who really loves me, trusts me and helps me," she says. Besides, being single was a liability in this conservative country. "I am a young girl and was going all over the place with guards. People talked about it."

Twenty months ago she was a lonely voice speaking to an exhausted country. Since then a rising chorus has joined her to demand that justice be applied equally to all Afghans - from the lowliest woman to the most powerful commander. With other political candidates and human rights organisations calling for warlords to be excluded from power no matter what their credentials, Joya promises to be a powerful force after the elections. Her message strikes a chord with fed-up and newly emboldened people such as Farishta, who lives across the country in Kabul.

"I lost my husband during the Taliban and no commander is asking me: 'How are you doing? What is your situation? How will you feed your family?'" says the 38-year-old as she sews a button on to a long black cloak. Farishta, who supports her four children by mending clothes in the Women's Park, Kabul, could not work under the Taliban even though she was a widow. Now she has a job and her four children perhaps have a decent future. "Joya feels our pain," Farishta says. "She is like us."



September 14, 2005
Photo exhibition of war-torn Bosnia and Afghanistan
At: The ACA GALLERY
183 Queen St East
Toronto Ontario
M5A 1S2
Canada

On: September 7 to September 30, 2005
By: Carol Mann from France

Subject: One Woman's Wars from Sarajevo to Kabul 1994-2005
9/11 four years on....

Benefits will go to women's health and vocational training programmes in Pakistan and Afghanistan financed by FemAid for RAWA, the only Afghan secular women's organization.

PRIVATE RECEPTION (by invitation only) Sep. 26, 2005 in ACA Gallery at 6:00 pm, $20 donation
Special Guest: MP JIM KARYGIANNIS

Lecture at Verity at 7:30-9 pm
111d Queen St East Toronto.

Carol Mann, a mother, a wife, writer, art historian, anthropologist and humanitarian in the frontlines brings her words and images from war- torn Bosnia to Afghanistan via Paris, France where she resides. She is the founder of FemAid, a humanitarian aid organization specializing in aid to women and children, especially in Pakistan, Afghanistan and Bosnia. see www.femaid.org 

Carol Mann's talents are diverse. She has worked as art historian, curator on photography at the Musée d'Art Moderne de la Ville de Paris amongst others and also at UNESCO, is currently professor of history of art and anthropology at the Parsons School of Design, researcher on women in war zones from Sarajevo to Afghan refugee camps, author of several studies and novels published in Paris, New York and London.

THIS EXHIBITION CAN BE RENTED THROUGHOUT CANADA AND NORTH AMERICA
- contact ACA gallery for more details

This show can also be rented in the E.U. contact info@femaid.org

ACA Gallery was founded in June 2004 by Carol Mark to create an incubator for art and social change.

The gallery represents emerging and established artists. Carol Mark is involved in humanitarian grassroots projects locally and globally and she has seen first hand how "love in action" can change lives for the better. From establishing a medical clinic in Afghanistan, to performing medical aid in the Yucatan, and helping build communities in Pine Ridge Indian Reservation, she recognized everyone has the power to effectively create change. A percentage of art sales are donated to grassroots humanitarian aid projects

Two of Carol's photographs are included in this post, while others can be viewed by clicking "Read more" at the foot of the front page of the GSN domain: http://www.global-sisterhood-network.org/

 

Afghanistan: Bring War Criminals to Justice
Special Court Needed For Past Atrocities
Human Rights Watch
, July 7, 2005

(New York, July 7, 2005) – Numerous high-level officials and advisors in Afghanistan’s current government are implicated in major war crimes and human rights abuses that took place in the early 1990s, Human Rights Watch said in a new report released today.

The 133-page report, “Blood-Stained Hands: Past Atrocities in Kabul and Afghanistan’s Legacy of Impunity,” is based on extensive research by Human Rights Watch over the last two years, including more than 150 interviews with witnesses, survivors, government officials, and combatants. It documents war crimes and human rights abuses during a particularly bloody year in Afghanistan’s civil war—the Afghan calendar year of 1371, from April 1992 to March 1993, following the collapse of the Soviet-backed Najibullah government in Kabul.

Download the full 133-page report in English, Dari and German

This report isn’t just a history lesson. These atrocities were among some of the gravest in Afghanistan’s history, yet today many of the perpetrators still wield power.


Brad Adams, executive director of the Asia Division of HRW

Human Rights Watch said that although some perpetrators are dead or currently in hiding, many leaders implicated in the abuses are now officials in Afghanistan’s defense or interior ministries, or are advisors to President Hamid Karzai. Some are running for office in parliamentary and local elections scheduled for September 2005. Others operate as warlords or regional strongmen, directing subordinates in official positions.

“This report isn’t just a history lesson,” said Brad Adams, executive director of the Asia Division of Human Rights Watch. “These atrocities were among some of the gravest in Afghanistan’s history, yet today many of the perpetrators still wield power.”

The period covered in the report, the Afghan year 1371, was marked by intense fighting in Kabul between different mujahedeen and former government factions vying for power in the wake of the government’s collapse. As the year began, the city was largely unscathed by serious military conflict, but as hostilities progressed, whole sections of Kabul were reduced to rubble, tens of thousands of civilians were killed and wounded, and at least half a million people were displaced.

Rival armed factions committed extensive human rights abuses and violations of the laws of war, illegally shelling and rocketing civilian areas, abducting and murdering civilians, and pillaging civilian areas. The report shows that the abuses of the period were neither inevitable consequences of war nor unavoidable mistakes, but were rather the results of illegal acts and omissions by factional leaders and commanders. The report notes that many commanders may be criminally culpable for their behavior during this period.

Human Rights Watch urged the Afghan government and international community to prioritize efforts to hold past perpetrators accountable for their crimes by creating a Special Court to try offenders.

“Perpetrators of past abuses who go unpunished are more likely to commit new abuses and use violence to get their way,” said Adams. “They pose a continuing threat to Afghanistan’s future.”

To help maintain independence and guarantee international fair trial standards, Human Rights Watch recommended that the court be comprised of both Afghan and international judges, with an international majority, and with an international prosecutor.

As judicial reform is a necessary precursor for any meaningful attempts to provide justice for past abuses, Human Rights Watch also urged the government to accelerate and redouble efforts to reform the judicial system and establish an independent judiciary.

Human Rights Watch also called on the government to implement vetting mechanisms to sideline past abusers from government.

Many Afghans, especially in Kabul, have terrible memories of the fighting in the early 1990s. An Afghan witness described an incident in which factional forces targeted civilians from one of Kabul’s central mountains: “They were firing into this street. . . . Seventeen people were killed. . . . Clearly they were civilians. Yes, it was clear: they had burqas, there were children.”

An Afghan nurse quoted in the report described the typical effects of street fighting: “Hundreds of people were wounded when they fought—every time they fought. The hospital would be full of patients, overwhelmed; we couldn’t treat everyone who was brought there. People were dying in the halls.”

Human Rights Watch said that much of Afghanistan’s last 27 years has been marked by human rights abuses and violations of the laws of war. Afghanistan suffered 14 years of domination by the Soviet Union from 1978 to 1992, marked by large-scale atrocities by the Soviet Army, carpet bombing of civilian areas, murder and torture of prisoners, and harsh political repression. The Taliban, which ruled from 1996 to 2001, also committed war crimes and other abuses, and as a government operated almost entirely outside of established human rights principles.

“In Afghanistan today, alleged war criminals—Taliban, mujahedeen, communist—enjoy total impunity in the name of national reconciliation,” said Adams. “This is an insult to victims and an affront to justice.”
Human Rights Watch’s report implicates numerous factional leaders and commanders for their role in the abuses, including:

Human Rights Watch said that several other commanders from the Jamiat-e Islami and Shura-e Nazar faction implicated in crimes during the early 1990s are now candidates for parliament or are serving in the police and military. Numerous commanders from Sayyaf’s Ittihad faction are also serving in important security and judicial posts.

In addition to proposing a Special Court, the report recommends that the president appoint an expert panel to propose and help implement additional programs to address issues not dealt with by the Special Court, such as trying crimes outside the Special Court’s jurisdiction; creating an archive for the historical documentation of past abuses; recommending appropriate restitution or compensation mechanisms; and starting educational initiatives, such as the drafting of fair historical accounts for school textbooks.

“If Afghanistan doesn’t begin a process of addressing its history now, the past may repeat itself,” said Adams

Excerpts from Blood-Stained Hands

An account of an artillery attack by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar’s Hezb-e Islami faction against a civilian area in West Kabul, June 1992:

    “It was about 4 p.m., and I was baking some bread outside, over a fire. Suddenly, there was a big explosion. I took cover, on the ground. Then, there was another explosion. I got up and I could see this woman here [pointing to a neighbor, who is crying and nodding], and she was just running about. Her son had been sitting near this wall outside, where the artillery landed, and he was completely blown up. This woman here was running about, collecting pieces of [her son’s] flesh in her apron, and crying. . . . He was completely blown up, disappeared.”

A witness describing a typical street battle in west Kabul in mid-1992:

    “Everything was bullets, it was very severe. Everyone was rushing to flee from the violence. Husbands forgot wives, brothers forgot sisters, mothers forgot children, uncles forgot nephews—everyone was running away, and could only think of safety. . . . I could see the women and men rushing away from the fighting, running down the street towards us. At the same time, some of the bullets, or shrapnel from the explosions, was hitting people. So men and women were falling down into the street. They would be running, and then the bullets would hit them, and they would fall down. The other people just kept running, and were not bothering to save those who fell. They were all rushing to save themselves. It was a terrible day.”
An Afghan health worker in west Kabul, describing how Ahmed Shah Massoud’s Jamiat-e Islami faction would fire at civilians from the top of “Television Mountain” in the center of Kabul:
    “There was a time when the Jamiat troops on TV Mountain would target anything on Alaudin Street [a main road in west Kabul]. They would target anything that moved, even a cat. . . . I remember [one time] I went out to go to this clinic [to obtain medical equipment], and as soon as they saw me on that mountain they were shooting. Anything that looked like a human being would be targeted. They shot everything: rockets, shells, bullets. There were times when the streets were littered with bullets.”
A Pashtun civilian who was abducted in 1992 and imprisoned by the predominantly Pashtun Ittihad-i Islami faction headed by Abdul Rabb al-Rasul Sayyaf:

A Tajik student who was abducted by Abdul Ali Mazari’s Hezb-e Wahdat faction in 1992

“[A] commander with two bodyguards came. . . . ‘You both are some guys from Shomali and you are helping Massoud!’ he said. —I said, ‘I am a medical student; neither I nor my brother are soldiers. We are from Shomali, but we are not soldiers.’ —‘Keep quiet,’ he said. And then the guards cocked their Kalashnikovs. The commander signaled to his troops to take us away. . . .”

A witness to killings of civilians by Sayyaf’s Ittihad faction in the Afshar neighborhood in West Kabul, February 1993:

    “Najaf Karbalie, an old man, had come out of his house, and they had separated him from his family to arrest him. As this happened, his wife came to him and grabbed him and was pulling on him, saying, ‘Please, leave him, he is old. Leave him.’ But the gunmen did not let go of him. . . .And the gunmen started beating him. They were also beating someone else, next to him.
A Kabul resident, describing a summary execution of a civilian by a soldier with the Harakat-e Islami faction in September 1992:
    “I had [a store] in front of my house. I was selling some things there, one morning, sitting there. I saw this younger guy walk by—he had recently been married. Then I heard some shooting down the street. I looked down the street, and I saw that the guy who had passed was on the ground, and this other guy was over him—he held a pistol up to his head and shot him in the temple. The guy was dead. Some other people on the street walked a little forward [toward the body], and then stopped. . . . This gunman, he was a Harakat gunman, just walked by us, slowly. Like he could do whatever he wanted. We saw him clearly. We knew who he was—he was a Harakat man.”
A correspondent with the British Broadcasting Corporation, who witnessed looting and violence committed by Abdul Rashid Dostum’s Junbish-e Milli faction:
    “Junbish had been looting. . . . We filmed Junbish troops beating up this guy who had a bicycle. I guess they wanted to take the bicycle. . . . They were clubbing him with Kalashnikovs, but when one of the troops saw us and pointed at us, they sent the guy on his way. [In another case,] Uzbek troops [Junbish] saw us, and they were acting up for the camera. They had this guy, this civilian, and they wanted to show off. They were making him stand a few meters away and they were shooting at his feet with their Kalashnikovs, making him dance. They were yelling, ‘Dance! Dance!’ and shooting at his feet.”

 

Hope lives on...
By Erica Ahmed
July 9, 2005

 

Khewa refugee camp for Afghanis is located on the outskirts of Peshawar. You! highlights the progressive environment of the camp and the efforts of Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA) that runs a school and hostel for the young girls of Khewa

Her eyes were sparkling as she said, "I want to develop a lot of courses to teach local girls their rights and values. I want to go back to Afghanistan and make my country a learning center for all!" The young woman was reeling with excitement, a little overwhelmed, but fully in the moment. She had just marched onstage and received her twelfth class diploma.

For the 4,000 residents of the Khewa refugee camp, located on the outskirts of Peshawar, the recently held graduation ceremony of the youth offered a moment of hope. The graduating students presented an inspiring possibility- helping to change the bleak situation faced by Afghans, especially Afghan women.

Like most of the refugee camps scattered throughout Pakistan, Khewa has been slowly, but steadily, emptying. The Pakistani government's role in the reconstruction of Afghanistan has urged many refugees back into Afghanistan. The UN, too, has made concrete efforts in this regard. A devastated economy and the ongoing violence means extreme hardship for the returnees. As the Khewa girls' school principal, Arif, stated in his graduation-day speech, "The guns have not been collected yet, the warlords have not been finished."

For the youth, especially school-going girls, life in Afghanistan is characterised by paralyzing physical danger. As a recently released report by Amnesty International explained, violence against females in the country is such that "Daily Afghan women are at risk of abduction and rape by armed individuals. The government is doing little to improve their condition." Acts of violence against women are rarely investigated or punished.

Only few schools destroyed during the Taliban-era and subsequent American invasion have been rebuilt, meaning that very few girls have educational institutions near their homes. Rather than sacrifice the hope of obtaining an education, many girls have decided to remain alone in the refugee camps while their families travel back to Afghanistan. This sacrifice is a testament to just how grim the situation is for women inside Afghanistan. It also means that, despite the accelerating repatriation of the Afghans, there remains a strong need for educational programmes on the Pakistani side of the border.

No one knows this better than girls like Feroza, a tenth-class student, whose parents and sister have returned to Eastern Afghanistan. Her father, a physician, arranged for her to stay at Khewa and attend school. The schools in Feroza's village have been destroyed, and the area is far too volatile for her to travel to the nearest town.

"My elder sister had to stay in Afghanistan to help my mother," explained Feroza. "We are all sad that she cannot go to school... but there it is not safe. My parents are afraid she could be kidnapped if she goes out."

Feroza has hope for her sister. "When I go home, I will teach her everything I learned here. She is very interested in learning."

Khewa lays a dusty, bumpy twenty minutes off Peshawar Road, the thoroughfare that connects Lahore to Kabul. The landscape here is a bleak collection of sandy hills, brick kilns spewing noxious black smoke, and clusters of shacks and tents housing refugees.

Unlike nearby camps controlled by fundamentalists, there is no purdah in Khewa. In fact after the graduating ceremony in the camp, men and women gathered together in the main square to celebrate graduating students' hard-earned accomplishments.

In both numbers and noise, young female students seemed to rule the crowd. Most were dressed in their blue and white school uniforms, though many wore traditional Afghan clothing- red velvet dresses with green dupattas heavily trimmed in gold. They enthusiastically waved the red, green and black Afghan flag.

Plastic chairs and wooden desks, pulled out of the school's building for the occasion, accommodated the gathering throng. Most attendants were Khewa residents, but some came from neighbouring camps to enjoy the festivities.

The ceremony began with a speech by Arif, who focused on the ongoing problems faced by Afghans on both sides of the border. "We thought that after the Taliban our situation would get better," he explained in Persian, "But in some ways, it is worse because the warlords have been legitimised... still we do not have democracy in Afghanistan."

The focus then shifted to the hope education provides. As one graduating student phrased it, "We are the future of our devastated country." A group of primary school girls echoed this sentiment in a song: "We are the birds of light, we are the followers of education," they sang. The crackly, static quality of the background music only highlighted the clear confidence of their young voices.

As the awarding of certificates began, a dusty wind whipped through the camp. Dust storms are a frequent occurrence in this area, and the women nonchalantly covered their mouths with the ends of their dupattas and went on with the function. But when the brightly-striped awning covering the stage was half-lifted from its metal stakes; people began running for cover. They waited out the blinding storm over endless cups of green tea and playing cards.

The awarding of diplomas was delayed until evening, followed by a musical programme organised in honour of the graduates. The entertainment culminated with a rousing atan, the Afghan national dance. Nine men jumped, twirled and shook in an exuberant, exhausting-looking circle to the cheers and hoots of the crowd.

About 70 girls attending school at Khewa are like Feroza, living separately from their families in pursuit of the education and safety their homeland is yet unable to provide. Both the school and its nearby hostel are run by the Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA), a grassroots organisation with programmes throughout Pakistan and Afghanistan.

The Western media portrays the situation in Afghanistan as improved, and global attention has shifted to the crisis in Iraq. This has meant a sharp decrease in the funds available for educating Afghan refugees, and RAWA has been forced to make tough decisions.

"We have had to turn away many girls who want to stay on and study," said one RAWA organiser. "It is hard to know who to say no to. We try to keep the girls who show the most potential but are least likely to have any chance of education at home."

While Kabul has stabilised, the rural areas remain volatile. Northern Afghanistan is especially unsafe.

Meena, a small-statured girl with fiery dark eyes, said: "I studied just because of RAWA. In Afghanistan, I could not even leave my home." Despite the lifting of Taliban-era restrictions, in Meena's home village it is still unsafe for women to be seen outside their homes unless fully covered by a burqa.

In Khewa, girls and women enjoy an active educational, physical and social life. They dress as they choose - most girls covering their heads with dupattas. They go about freely and attend public functions, such as the weekly forums sponsored by RAWA. These forums have helped in raising awareness about social and political issues.

The school's sports programme has contributed greatly to the health and confidence of all the girls here. "I feel good when I play," says 14-year-old Freba, "I feel healthy and strong." On a walled-off playing field, girls are taught football, cricket and karate.

Khewa's current atmosphere results from years of tireless work by RAWA members and supporters. In the early days of the camp, one longtime resident recalled, "People were reluctant to even send their daughters to school." Local women painstakingly convinced people to educate their daughters, often going door to door to persuade reluctant parents.

An improved security situation also helped. In the 1990s, attacks by fundamentalists from across the border made people afraid to venture more than a few steps outside their home. "It would be unheard for girls to walk outside at night," one camp resident explained "and no girl would dare go out without a scarf."

RAWA's efforts are apparent in girls like Feroza, Meena and Freba. "My school taught me to speak freely," said Feroza, "I can face people, anywhere." Feroza shared that she hopes to use this skill to work as a lawyer and "fight against the cruel people, people like the Taliban, people who hurt women." Meena said that she wants to work as a journalist, telling the story of the Afghan people. Freba said that she wishes to be an engineer, "I love science, and I want to help rebuild my country."

When I asked the girls what they liked least about living in Khewa, their answer was unanimous: "The dust!" A dusty place to begin with, air quality around the camp has worsened considerably thanks to the recent proliferation of brick kilns.

Dust pervades the atmosphere and dulls the senses as surely as the religious extremism, which has so devastated Afghanistan. But, while they may not be able to do much about the dust, the girls of Khewa, smiling proudly on their graduation day, have risen like phoenixes above the oppressive forces of fundamentalism.

From: http://jang-group.com/thenews/jul2005-weekly/you-05-07-2005/index.html


May 29, 2005
Afghanistan: A Harvest Of Despair
The Lure of Opium Wealth Is a Potent Force in Afghanistan Western officials warn of a nascent narco state as drug traffickers act with impunity, some allegedly with the support of top officials
Los Angeles Times,By Paul Watson, Times Staff Writer
Kunduz, Afghanistan:
Like a frustrated hunter, the head of the local anti-drug squad keeps snapshots of the ones who got away. One photo shows a prisoner wearing a flat, round pakol hat, standing in front of 10 pounds of opium packaged in plastic bags laid out on a table. Lt. Nyamatullah Nyamat took the picture on the February day he arrested the suspect. Hours later, the man was freed.

Los Angeles Times, May 29, 2005
The list of those suspected of involvement in the drug trade reaches high into Karzai's government. Nyamat and an Afghan trafficker singled out Gen. Mohammed Daoud, a former warlord who is Afghanistan's deputy interior minister in charge of the anti-drug effort. An official of a human rights commission in eastern Afghanistan said police in Nangarhar province routinely ignored drug traffickers and other well-connected criminals. The provincial police are under the command of Hazrat Ali, a warlord who provided the bulk of the Afghan ground force that aided U.S. soldiers in the attempt to capture Osama bin Laden at Tora Bora in late 2001. Nyamat, a former intelligence agent who has been on the police force for 25 years, accused Daoud's brother, Haji Agha, of handling the family drug business for Daoud, and he said that when his men arrested small-scale smugglers, the deputy minister had them released. Daoud denied involvement in the drug trade but said other senior government officials, police and militia commanders were guilty of it. The Kunduz trafficker said he wasn't worried. He counts Daoud as one of his connections. Late in the summer of 2003, he said, Daoud helped him retrieve heroin worth $200,000 that had been seized at the Salang Tunnel

The stocky, plain-spoken cop glumly tossed another photo onto a desk in his basement office as if playing a losing hand of cards. In this one, a man in a white pillbox cap is handcuffed to a police officer and standing next to 62 pounds of opium. A local judge sentenced him to 10 years in prison. A higher court ordered his release. One of Nyamat's biggest catches, arrested with 114 pounds of heroin, a derivative of opium, hadn't even appeared in court when the local prosecutor let him go in late March. Nyamat said that was normal in Kunduz, a hub on one of the world's busiest drug-smuggling routes. Three and a half years after the United States led an invasion of Afghanistan to oust the Taliban regime, the United Nations and the U.S. government warn that the country is in danger of becoming a narco-state controlled by traffickers. The State Department recently called the Afghan drug trade “an enormous threat to world stability.”

The United Nations estimates that Afghanistan produces 87% of the world's opium. For decades, poor farmers trying to make a living in Afghanistan's mountain valleys have harvested the opium poppies that feed the world's drug pipeline. Now the trade is booming, partly the result of the U.S. strategy for overthrowing the Taliban and stabilizing the country after two decades of war. U.S. troops forged alliances with warlords, who provided ground forces in the battle against the Taliban. Some of those allies are suspected of being among Afghanistan's biggest drug traffickers, controlling networks that include producers, criminal gangs and even members of the counter-narcotics police force. They are willing to make deals with remnants of the Taliban if the price is right. The U.S.-backed Afghan president, Hamid Karzai, has brought some of those warlords into his popularly elected government, a recognition of their political clout and a calculated risk that keeping them close might make it easier to control them.

“Drug money is absolutely supporting terrorist groups,” said Alexandre Schmidt, deputy head of the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime in Afghanistan. And regardless of their allegiance, Schmidt said, most suspects are released within 48 hours because of intervention by higher authorities. Kunduz, in northeastern Afghanistan, is one of the front lines in what Karzai calls a holy war on drugs. It is just a 90-minute drive from the border with Tajikistan, where low-grade smack starts the next leg of its journey to the streets of Europe. Nyamat says that as fast as he and his men can catch the smugglers, corrupt officials spring them. Many others are untouchable because they have important friends. Nyamat carries a handwritten list, four neatly folded pages, to record his losing score. Reading it recently, he shook his head in disgust. Only three of 17 suspects arrested this year were still in prison.

“We have the complete ID list of all smugglers … but we cannot arrest them because they have the power now, not us,” he said. The list of those suspected of involvement in the drug trade reaches high into Karzai's government. Nyamat and an Afghan trafficker singled out Gen. Mohammed Daoud, a former warlord who is Afghanistan's deputy interior minister in charge of the anti-drug effort. An official of a human rights commission in eastern Afghanistan said police in Nangarhar province routinely ignored drug traffickers and other well-connected criminals, even though they took a strict stand against poppy growing. The provincial police are under the command of Hazrat Ali, a warlord who provided the bulk of the Afghan ground force that aided U.S. soldiers in the attempt to capture Osama bin Laden at Tora Bora in late 2001. Daoud and Ali deny the charges. U.S. allies are not the only ones reaping the drug bonanza. Taliban guerrillas also have a share in the opium and heroin trade, which the United Nations estimates is worth $3 billion a year. Warlords who once fought them collect a tax on drug shipments heading to Iran, Pakistan or Tajikistan. As long as the Taliban pay cash, they are pleased to let bygones be bygones, said police and two drug traffickers who claimed to have done business with the militants. Some drug barons have changed their ways because they have already made millions of dollars and now see their self-interest in reform and politics, said a senior Western official involved in the anti-drug effort.

Los Angeles Times, May 29, 2005
Almas, the warlord, denied that he trafficked in drugs and declared that the police were hopelessly corrupt.

“In reality, the police are very sleepy in Kabul,” he said.

“And that is because all the thieves and criminals have joined the National Police. Whenever they commit a crime … they name a [militia] commander and say that his men did this.” Like many in the front-line drug squad, Shamsuddin, a 23-year police veteran, is angry that warlords with a long record of crimes and abuses in the country's wars have been promoted to top police positions, putting uniformed officers at their mercy.

"Others are still involved in drug trafficking and today are part — at the highest level — of government,” said the official, who spoke on condition of anonymity.

“The idea is not to leave them in the provinces anymore, but to bring them on board in official positions in order to better control them.” But the official said he doubted the strategy would work. Still, the U.N. and the Afghan government predict that this year's opium harvest will be at least 30% smaller than last year's 4,200 tons, partly because of a more aggressive eradication effort. The law of supply and demand has helped too. A glut has driven down prices and profits. But the smaller harvest is expected to push prices back up and encourage more planting and trafficking. It is crucial for the Afghan government and foreign donors to deliver hundreds of millions of dollars in aid to farmers before the next planting season this year to make it unnecessary for them to grow opium poppies, said Schmidt, the U.N. official. Sufficient money has been pledged, but some governments have failed to make good on their promises, he said. And continuing insecurity in large parts of the country makes development work difficult. Schmidt said he was certain that the poppy crop this year would be smaller than last year's.

“But the question is 2006.” More than 2,000 years ago, much of Kunduz was a swamp. Alexander the Great stopped here for fresh horses as he pressed south in 329 BC in his conquest of much of the known world. Today it's a dust-blown smugglers’ paradise. As they have for generations, horses decorated with small pompoms and bells clip-clop through the city, pulling carts that are used as taxis. The police chief of Kunduz province, former militia commander Gen. Mutaleb Baig, is also a throwback to the old Afghanistan. Instead of a police uniform, he prefers a green quilted coat, which he drapes over his shoulders like a chieftain's cloak. In late 2001, U.S. Special Forces and Central Intelligence Agency operatives worked with the Northern Alliance rebel group to besiege thousands of Taliban soldiers in Kunduz. The fight to take the city helped form close ties between U.S. forces and warlord Daoud, who had been finance secretary to Ahmed Shah Massoud, the Northern Alliance leader who was assassinated two days before the Sept. 11 attacks. Before the attacks and the U.S.-led invasion of Afghanistan, State Department officials had often cited Northern Alliance drug trafficking as one reason the U.S. should not publicly support the anti-Taliban militia. But police and traffickers interviewed in Kunduz said Daoud did more than use narcotics to help fund the fight against the Taliban: He made drug smuggling a family business. They said he continued to profit from the opium and heroin trade even after Karzai brought him into the central government last August. Nyamat, a former intelligence agent who has been on the police force for 25 years, accused Daoud's brother, Haji Agha, of handling the family drug business for Daoud, and he said that when his men arrested small-scale smugglers, the deputy minister had them released. Nyamat, whose almond-shaped eyes are reminiscent of Genghis Khan's Mongols, who swept through Afghanistan in the 13th century, said four of his own officers moonlighted for drug traffickers. Even counting them, his unit is 15 officers short of full strength. He got up from his desk in a basement office of the Kunduz police station, closed two small windows, and lowered his voice. He said he couldn't trust anyone, least of all provincial chief Baig, a former deputy to Daoud. Nyamat alleged that Baig's officers had undermined his efforts by rationing gas and refusing to provide armed backup during drug raids. Baig has fired him four times. The commander of the anti-drug force in Kabul keeps reinstating him. Nyamat said he had reported his suspicions several times to his superiors, and in November he approached American officials working with the counter-narcotics police in Kabul. When nothing resulted from the discussions, he sent a trusted deputy to the Afghan capital to complain again in late February. Daoud denied involvement in the drug trade but said other senior government officials, police and militia commanders were guilty of it. He said in an interview that he and his brother had never had anything to do with opium or heroin, and said no Northern Alliance commander had ever trafficked narcotics, because Massoud did not tolerate it. He accused enemies of spreading lies about him.

“If there is even one [drug] case that I'm involved in, I am ready to be punished,” Daoud said Western officials involved in the anti-drug effort said privately that Daoud was once a trafficker but that they now trusted him as a committed leader in the fight against narcotics.

“Gen. Daoud is absolutely a key element in the eradication effort,” said Schmidt, the U.N. official. The United Nations estimates that Afghan opium, morphine and heroin feed the habits of 10 million addicts, or two-thirds of the world's opiate abusers. Afghan narcotics kill about 10,000 people a year, it says. Europe is the most lucrative market. Until last year, Afghanistan was known as an opium exporter, not a major heroin producer. But with the poppy boom, and post-Taliban instability, small heroin labs sprang up in hundreds of villages. Even if police find them, they are easily replaced. One Kunduz trafficker, a man in his late 20s with a wool hat resting high on his head, said an average lab had 10 barrels, a pressing machine, cotton filters and acetic anhydride, an acid, to refine opium paste into heroin powder. The trafficker estimated that there was enough opium stashed in village wells and other hiding places to keep labs and smugglers working for 10 to 15 years, even if poppy cultivation stopped entirely. Schmidt said that was probably an underestimation. Early last year, Karzai set up the paramilitary Special Narcotics Force, which answers only to him and his interior minister. Officials refused to provide details on its size and capabilities. The Interior Ministry says the force carried out 12 operations in three of the country's 34 provinces last year, destroying 70 labs and 88 tons of opiates — about 2% of Afghanistan's production. In late February, Afghan forces and American advisors from the Drug Enforcement Administration delivered 1.5 tons of heroin, opium and hashish to the counter-narcotics police headquarters in Kabul. The drugs were seized from homes and shops during three months of raids in southern Helmand province, said Muhibullah Ludin, a senior official in the newly formed Counter-Narcotics Ministry.

“It wasn't very well hidden because it's so common there,” he said.

“Right now they're trying to make it a bit more secret because so many people are being detained.” In the lobby of the police station, officers laid out a long row of burlap and plastic sacks, several stained with gooey black opium gum, and weighed each sack on a freight scale in the corner. They also spilled out individual plastic bags packed with almost pure heroin, an off-white powder that looks like flour, to count them on the floor. There were 559 1-kilo bags — more than 1,200 pounds. It seemed an impressive haul, but DEA advisors watched the count skeptically.

“Trying to get rid of drugs in Afghanistan is like trying to clear sand from a beach with a bucket,” said an American counter-narcotics agent. The three-month operation resulted in charges against only one trafficker, Ludin said. A Western diplomat involved in the effort said that the special force had not gone after the people behind the drug networks yet because the justice system was too weak.

“We find it difficult to get any successful prosecutions of any significant traffickers, basically because people pay bribes,” said the official, who spoke on condition of anonymity. With foreign assistance, the Afghan government is setting up special courts to try traffickers, with added security to protect investigators, prosecutors and judges. They will start with low-level cases and gradually move up the drug trafficking chain as they gain confidence, the Western official said. Judges are easily bribed because they earn only about $100 a month, Schmidt said.

“We'll be monitoring it very, very carefully in order to respond to any problems in the prosecution of these cases,” he said.

“But I cannot tell you today that everything will be utterly beautiful and perfect.” The Kunduz trafficker said he wasn't worried. He counts Daoud as one of his connections. Late in the summer of 2003, he said, Daoud helped him retrieve heroin worth $200,000 that had been seized at the Salang Tunnel, a link between southern and northern Afghanistan that is 11,000 feet up in the Hindu Kush mountains. Daoud denied this, saying drugs were never seized at the tunnel and that the trafficker was lying. The trafficker also said he had sold a large consignment of heroin last year that had yet to be smuggled into Iran from the southwestern province of Nimruz. Premium Afghan heroin going to the West through Iran fetches a higher price and is less likely to be seized. He predicted that the government crackdown would be good for business. Increased arrests and interdiction would cut competition and reduce the glut that forced down prices by two-thirds last year.

“The more restrictions, the more the business will boom,” the trafficker said.

“The price will go high, the number of dealers will go down, and my income will go up. The professional businessmen will remain. They have good connections. Whoever works hard in a business wins.” No matter where Afghan narcotics are headed, most of them pass through Kabul, a transit point on the main route linking poppy fields and labs in east and north to border smuggling routes. Each day, from 8 a.m. to 4 p.m., police set up checkpoints on the edge of the capital. They ask drivers the “Seven Golden Questions,” taught by British advisors, which include where are they coming from, where are they going and who owns the vehicle. They try to form a hunch about whether they should conduct a search. A sniffer dog named Warsola, a German shepherd trained in Kazakhstan to take commands in Pashto, stands by in a cage, eager to root out hidden drugs. The police also have a camera probe, a long black hose with a tiny lens on the tip, which allows them to peer into gas tanks and radiators. But at the end of the day, the outmatched police, paid $60 a month, lock up their weapons, go home and wait for death threats. They worry about their families.

“When I leave my house I tell my children, ‘Please don't go out.’ And I tell them, ‘If you need anything, please tell me. I will bring it to you,’ “ Mohammed Nazir said.

“We are afraid.

“Even if a cat jumps into my house, I get scared and I think that there is somebody in the house to kill me.” Nazir's 13-member team has arrested more than 30 suspected drug traffickers since it started work nine months ago. The team's first bust was of uniformed police officers armed with hand grenades and guns. They were caught with 24 pounds of opium in a knapsack in a civilian car. They said they had no idea that the drugs were there, Nazir said. One of the unit's most dangerous arrests was last summer, when it discovered more than 400 pounds of opium concealed in the cabin of a gas tanker coming from northern Afghanistan. The smuggler had tried to mask the musky opium smell with piles of melons. When police confronted the driver, he used his cellphone to call for help. Then he offered a bribe, and when that didn't work, he invoked the name of Gen. Haji Mohammed Almas, a Northern Alliance warlord, whose forces are suspected in many robberies and killings in the capital. On the way to jail with their suspects, the police noticed that they were being followed by two SUVs full of gunmen. They kept their distance when the drug squad officers pulled into the jail, said Shamsuddin, a member of Nazir's unit. Like many Afghans, he uses only one name. That night, about 1 a.m., a phone call woke him. Lying next to his wife, Shamsuddin began sweating in anger as a voice on the phone threatened him, he recalled.

“I was sweating just because he wasn't next to me,” the cop snarled.

“Otherwise I would have beaten him to death.” A few days later, when Shamsuddin was sitting with other officers at the drug squad's headquarters, the same man called and repeated the threat. Nazir said traffickers had no trouble finding phone numbers to harangue counter-narcotics police at any hour.

“All of these people have friends inside the government,” he said. A week after their arrest, the truck driver and his assistant walked free and drove off in their tanker. Almas, the warlord, denied that he trafficked in drugs and declared that the police were hopelessly corrupt.

“In reality, the police are very sleepy in Kabul,” he said.

“And that is because all the thieves and criminals have joined the National Police. Whenever they commit a crime … they name a [militia] commander and say that his men did this.” Like many in the front-line drug squad, Shamsuddin, a 23-year police veteran, is angry that warlords with a long record of crimes and abuses in the country's wars have been promoted to top police positions, putting uniformed officers at their mercy.

“I can only trust these 12 people in my team,” he said.

“Our government is not a real government. I pray and hope for a day that we have a foreigner as a boss, and he is standing over our heads and controlling us. There is no management in our government and there is no authority from the Afghans.” East of Kabul, in one of Afghanistan's oldest opium-producing regions, Karzai has tried to resolve the police-warlord conflict by melding the two in the person of Hazrat Ali. Western officials praise the Nangarhar police chief for his strict stand against poppy growing. Cultivation has been cut drastically in a region where spring usually brings fields full of red and white opium poppy flowers. But Jandad Spin Ghar, who leads the eastern regional office of the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission, said Ali's police routinely arrested innocent people and committed other serious abuses while letting drug traffickers and other well-connected criminals go free.

“He only stopped the cultivation and he has done nothing to stop the trafficking,” Spin Ghar said.

“I don't understand why the U.S. and the central government are supporting him.” Daoud, the deputy interior minister, said he had summoned Ali to Kabul to answer such allegations, and was satisfied that they were false. Ali accused enemies of spreading lies about him.

“I told him, ‘Look, General, I have never been in the drug business my whole life,’ “ Ali recalled.

“I hate drugs more than anything else and neither I nor my men are involved in the drug business.” Part of the solution to Afghanistan's drug problem may lie in the soft petals and sweet scent of the Bulgarian rose. A German aid group has persuaded a dozen farmers in one Nangarhar village to grow them to see whether they can provide the essence for fine French perfumes. Janaan Khan, a village leader in Dara-e-Noor, planted 150 rose seedlings on half an acre. They poke just a few inches out of the wet soil, which once provided bumper harvests of premium red opium. He earned about $4,000 from his last poppy crop in 2002, a fortune in a country where per capita income in 2003 was about $200, putting it among the bottom 20 nations. It's more difficult to produce high-quality rose oil than high-grade opium, and German experts told Khan that it would take three years to find out what, if anything, their Bulgarian roses were worth. A stiff wind can bruise the blossoms, rendering them worthless. At harvest time, farmers have just one day to gently pluck the flowers and process them into rose oil, Khan said. At most, he expects to earn a quarter of what he did from opium. But he says that would be enough for an honest living.

“I told the farmers that if this thing succeeds, then Afghanistan will be famous for flowers and perfumes, not for war and opium, and Dara-e-Noor will be as famous as Paris,” Khan said, his eyes lighting up with the dream.

“I told them that these flowers will have great smell and foreigners will come from all over the world for a picnic. And they will enjoy being here. And everywhere you look there will be foreigners, and we will build guesthouses and take money from the foreigners who stay here. And we will all be rich.” Despite his outward confidence, Khan acknowledged that he was worried he might be wrong. The German aid group has promised a small cash subsidy to tide the farmers over, but Khan said it was far less than the thousands of dollars they were used to earning. They probably will wait only a year or two before they start growing opium poppies again, he said. It's easy to see why. The village doesn't have electricity, running water or a proper school. The only road is a dirt track dotted with sharp rocks. There are too many people living on too little land; most of the farmers are sharecroppers who rent small parcels from a few wealthy landlords.

“Name a problem and these people have it,” said Khan, who supports two wives and four children.

“Our lives have not moved forward. They have gone backward because no matter how much aid money they have spent, we don't have any money now.” In villages across Afghanistan, powerless people such as Khan say they want to be rid of the warlords once and for all, and they wonder why Karzai is giving them more power.

“Democracy means freedom and people's government,” he said.

“But in Afghanistan, if you tell a [militia] commander, ‘You have made these mistakes. Please quit your job,’ the commander will take out a gun and kill you.” Khan's neighbor Sayyed Alam Khan lost his 6-month-old daughter, Najeda, in late February. Like many of the area's children, she lived with her family in a mud-brick house with a leaky ceiling that dripped cold water day and night. A simple cold proved fatal. Six feet of snow closed off the valley, so Khan couldn't get her to the nearest hospital in Jalalabad. She wasn't the first of Khan's children to die. He has lost two other daughters and a son. And he has seven children left, ages 2 to 13. They huddled next to him in the smoky half-light beside a cooking fire, trying to keep warm on a cold dirt floor. Three years ago, after his oldest son died at age 6, Khan borrowed about $5,000 from relatives. He planned to pay it back with the profit from the next year's opium harvest. But when their poppies were nearly ready, police came and ordered Khan and other villagers to destroy the plants. They were paid $5 for a day's work that wiped out their livelihood, and any hope Khan had of paying his creditors. He has no interest in planting roses.

“I will die by the time the flowers bloom,” said Khan, 61. He is trying to support his family by selling firewood, but he is not earning enough to keep his creditors at bay. According to local custom, they can soon claim his eldest daughter as compensation. A growing problem Except during a Taliban crackdown on growers, Afghanistan's opium production has generally trended upward, no matter who was running the country.

Politics and illicit drugs
- Soviet era: Military occupies Afghanistan for a decade; mujahedin launch a guerrilla war for independence.
- Civil war: Various militias led by competing mujahedin warlords struggle for control after Soviets withdraw.
- Taliban rule: Taliban imposes strict Islamic law after seizing control in 1996, bans opium poppy cultivation in July 2000.
- U.S. invasion and postwar: U.S. drives Taliban from power in late 2001; transitional government emerges.

Opium production, in metric tons (one metric ton is equal to 1.1 U.S. tons) 1980: 200
1994: 3,400
1999: 4,600
2001: 200
2004: 4,200

The economic incentive
Despite a drop in 2004 in the income a farmer could expect from a hectare of poppies, the amount in U.S. dollars is still 12 times what a hectare of wheat would produce. (One hectare is equal to 2.47 acres.)

Income per hectare
2003: Wheat: $470 - Poppies: $12,700
2004: Wheat: $390 - Poppies: $4,600 Hectares under cultivation
2003: Wheat: 2.3 million - Poppies: 80,000
2004: Wheat: 1.8 million - Poppies: 131,000


Afghanistan: Violence Surges
Human Rights Watch, May 24, 2005
(New York, May 24, 2005) -- Afghanistan's security situation has deteriorated significantly in recent weeks, with a spate of political killings, violent protests, and attacks on humanitarian workers, Human Rights Watch said today. The instability comes as President Hamid Karzai visits the United States this week.

The recent violence includes the assassination of a parliamentary candidate in Ghazni two weeks ago, the murder of three female aid workers, the kidnapping of an aid worker in Kabul, and clashes between armed factions in the northern province of Maimana.

"May was a terrible month for Afghanistan," said John Sifton, Afghanistan researcher for Human Rights Watch.

"President Karzai needs more than a handshake from Washington. He needs concrete assistance from the United States and its allies to improve security."

Over three years have passed since NATO member states undertook to provide international security forces in Afghanistan and expand the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), yet to date NATO forces have only deployed to a handful of regional centers outside of Kabul.
Human Rights Watch called on the United States to lead efforts to accelerate the deployment of additional international security forces to remote provinces, and increase the number of international human rights monitors and election monitors for parliamentary elections scheduled to take place in September.

"Current troop levels are a fraction of what has been deployed in other post-conflict settings," said Sifton.

"And there are simply not enough human rights monitors and election observers."
Examples of violence in May include:
May 18-19, 2005: Eleven Afghan employees of a Washington-based agricultural company were shot and killed in Zabul province in two separate incidents.
May 18, 2005: An Afghan television presenter, Shaima Rezayee, 24, was shot in the head at her Kabul home. In March, Rezayee was fired from her position at a Kabul independent television station, Tolo TV, after several clerics in Kabul said her show was "anti-Islamic," and should be taken off the air.
May 16, 2005: Armed men kidnapped CARE International worker Clementina Cantoni, a 32-year-old Italian woman, from a car in Kabul.
May 15-16, 2005: Five people were reported wounded, and one killed, when violence erupted between supporters of rival warlords in a district in Faryab province, in the north of Afghanistan.
May 11, 2005: Akhtar Mohammad Tolwak, a parliamentary candidate and former delegate to Afghanistan's two loya jirgas, was killed while driving near Diyak District in the east of Ghazni province, along with his driver.
May 9-13, 2005: Sixteen protesters were killed by police and army troops during violent demonstrations against a Newsweek report of U.S. interrogators desecrating a copy of the Koran during interrogations at Guantanamo Bay. Riots occurred in several Afghan cities, including Jalalabad, Ghazni, Kabul, and Maimana, during which some protesters set fire and loot government and U.N. buildings.
May 7, 2005: A suicide bomber set off a bomb in a Kabul internet café, killing two Afghan civilians and a Burmese engineer working for the United Nations.
May 5, 2005 : Armed men attempted to kidnap three foreign World Bank employees in Kabul.
May 2-6, 2005: Fighting between the Taliban and the U.S.-backed Afghan military killed ten Afghan army troops and scores of militants, according to the U.S. military.
April 30: May 1: During a protest in Herat by several hundred supporters of former Herat governor Ismail Khan, police shoot several civilians, killing an old man, a 36-year old woman and her 11-year-old daughter.

 

Afghan big freeze proves deadly
Catholic Relief Services fear 1,000 children may have died in cold snap
By Tom Coghlan in Tulak Ghor Province
The Daily Telegraph (London), March 02, 2005
IN a remote province of Afghanistan that has been cut off by the country's worst winter for 15 years, The Daily Telegraph has found evidence suggesting the deaths of more than a thousand children in the last three weeks.

The Telegraph accompanied three members of the Catholic Relief Service, the first international aid workers to gain access to the Tulak region of the mountainous province of Ghor since it was cut off, travelling on horseback and foot.

Interviews from more than 20 valley villages across Tulak and neighbouring Shahak produced claims that an average of between five and 10 children per village have died in the past month.

The villagers described a surge in respiratory diseases, exacerbated by food shortage and temperatures as low as minus 30 Celsius.

"I have treated 160 patients in just two villages where 14 have died," said Dr Wahidullah Habibi, an Afghan doctor with Catholic Relief Service (CRS).

"They have no food. Several people have frozen to death trying to borrow food from other villages.

"We also have a lack of even the most basic knowledge on health issues and hygiene. They have no clothes for their children.

"If we distributed all the medicine they need in those two villages we would have no medicine left within a week."

There are 270 villages in Tulak and approximately 1,000 in the whole of Ghor, though with so many area.

In Gar-e-Hasar, a village of 75 families just beyond the 9,000ft Janak Pass, villagers reported the deaths of seven children and six adults in the past month. On the night we arrived one of 13 ill children, a two-year-old girl named Bibi Gul, was expected to die from pneumonia.

She was chronically underweight and her father said that, like other villagers, her diet was little other than bread and tea. Her mother stopped breast feeding her after one year because it was believed locally that it brought no benefit to the child.

When we left she was still alive and showing slight signs of improvement with antibiotics provided by aid workers.

Villagers in Dehan six miles away, where 80 households live, produced a list of 19 dead children. A series of low mud brick houses clinging to the barren slopes of the Gaw Kusht valley, it had no system of waste disposal and was surrounded by excrement.

"My one-year-old son died 25 days ago," said Mullah Ahmed. He described how the boy's body turned black before he died, a symptom of pneumonia. The villagers said they travelled six hours a day to collect firewood. In some areas people claimed to have burned parts of their roofs for warmth and eaten their livestock and seeds for the coming year.

The UN and the Afghan government have expressed scepticism at the figures being put forward for infant mortality in the province, suggesting there has been widespread exaggeration.

"We go through agonies questioning whether the villagers may have exaggerated the figure of infant deaths because they believe that the number may be tied to aid," said Donal Reilly from CRS. "We have asked villagers on both sides of this valley and they are saying the same thing. We can only believe them. Our people are coming on too many funerals for this to be a big hoax."

Officials in Tulak dismissed suggestions that villagers would lie about the deaths of children to attract aid money.

Ghor remains all but unaffected by the billions of dollars of foreign aid poured into Afghanistan since 2001, locked in a near medieval state of development.

When an aid agency vehicle reached a previously inaccessible valley in June, the villagers, who had never seen a car before, tried to feed it grass.

For seven years the region has been hit by drought. On average Ghor's inhabitants are living on half to three quarters of their daily calorie requirement.

"Twenty five years of war and then the drought has destroyed the infrastructure," said Haji Abdul Satir Khan, the governor of Tulak district. "Now we have suffered this terrible winter and no one has helped us."

Aid workers blame the deaths on a lack of preparation after many mild winters, combined with the toll on people's immune systems caused by drought, poverty and lack of medical facilities.


January 16, 2005
RAWA's starts 2005 with appeal for help
Many social projects face closure due to downfall in funding
Dear RAWA supporters,
RAWA enters 2005 with a financial crisis, which adversely affect tens of humanitarian projects which are currently being run in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Due to significant downfall in the level of donations over the past few months, RAWA may be forced to close down many of its projects while they are still greatly needed like before. That would be a painful decision for us and have bitter ends for thousands of suffering Afghan women and children. Therefore we appeal to all of our supporters and well-wishers of Afghan women to share their contribution in keeping the great humanitarian task goes on.

Our top priorities for 2005 are:
1. Malalai Hospital (Pakistan): With the help of the Afghan Women's Mission and donations received from our supporters around the world, we re-opened Malalai Hospital in Rawalpindi (Pakistan) in 2001. With 25 employees, the hospital provides free medical care to over 250 Afghan refugee women and children everyday. But due to lack of funds, we had no other option but to scale down the hospital from January 2005.
Since the announcement of this plan, we have received tens of appeals and letters from the destitute Afghan refugee families for whom MH has been the only hope in medical sector over the past few years. They are afraid that if the hospital is not there, their ill children may die as they don't have the available resources to go and pay for Pakistani doctors.

Please view the below links for further information:
http://www.rawa.org/malalai4.htm
http://afghanwomensmission.org/index.php

2. Health Center in Farah:
This is a clinic in Farah, a western province of Afghanistan, which was established in 2003. It has three medical specialists that visit over 150 patients in a day. The whole Farah province has only one small and ill-equipped state run hospital. Since it establishment, this clinic has turned into a reliable health center, where people are coming from remote villages and making long queue to get free treatment including medicine. Now it faces budget problem, which may force the administration to close it down if the required fund does not flow through in the near future.

The expenditures are listed in below table:
NO Detail of Expenses Monthly US$ Annual Cost
1 Staff Salary $1,400 $16,800
2 Fuel For transportation and generator $300 $3,600
3 Medicine $4,800 $57,600
4 Maintenance of ambulances and generator $100 $1,200
5 Miscellaneous $1,458 $17,500
6 Stationary $60 $720
7 Daily Food Expenses $80 $960
Grand Total $8,198 $98,380

Your contribution may be in any form; you can either ship medicine, which are the bulk of the expenses or send fund, which may not be necessarily cover the whole budget. You can donate any amount and that would add up to the entire budget. A very small donation makes a difference.

3. Literacy Courses for Women:
Feeling the great importance of education for women, RAWA launched a massive educational campaign by establishing over 540 literacy courses across Afghanistan. This was in response to increasingly promises made by thousands of people across the world. But alas that didn't last for a reasonable time, soon after Iraq issue was come into focus, Afghanistan remained again forgotten. Hence, we were forced to shut down many of them. This trend is still intact, and we will further be forced to cancel many of them if don't receive fund for them.
Each literacy course teaches between 15 to 20 women and young girls.

The expenditures of one literacy course which is currently running in Afghanistan are:

Detail Monthly Costs Annual Costs
Teacher Salary $40 $480
Rent $25 $300
Stationary $10 $120
Miscellaneous $9 $108
Total $84 $1,008

You can sponsor one or more literacy courses and can send your donation monthly (US$84) or annually (US$1008). Your $84 can give education to 15-20 women and girls each month.

4. Orphanages:
Over 350 children are currently given parental care and being provided shelter and education in 9 different RAWA orphanages in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Some of these children are not sponsored and their future are hugging in mid air. They need your financial support to stay at orphanages and continue their education.
We have two levels of sponsorship: Full Sponsorship and Partial-Sponsorship

Full Sponsorship:
Your sponsorship of just $46 a month will help to provide a child with:
- Food and nourishment
- Clothes
- Health Care
- Life Skills
- An opportunity to live in a safe environment full of tolerance, love and respect
- Education
- School Supplies

Partial Sponsorship:
Your Sponsorship of just $33 a month will help to provide a child with:
- Food and nourishment
- Clothes
- Health Care
- Life Skills
- An opportunity to live in a safe environment full of tolerance, love and respect

5. Schools:
Likewise the above projects, RAWA schools in Pakistan are in dire needs of financial support. Hundreds of boys and girls are currently enrolled in our schools in different cities of Pakistan. These students can't attend Pakistani school for many reasons, chiefly because of financial problems and language problem. They need to continue their education and that is possible if the schools run by RAWA remain open.
RAWA's schools admit students from class one to class 12 and the expenditure of each school is listed below:

No Detail Monthly Costs Annual Costs
1 Personnel Salary $560 6,720
2 House rent $420 $5,042
3 Electricity bill $44 $524
4 Gas bill $54 $645
5 Phone bill $50 $605
6 Miscellaneous $34 $403
Total $1,162 $13,940

For further information, you may contact Shaima Saeed, RAWA Projects Coordinator at shaima@pz.rawa.org and CC your email to rawa@rawa.org.

Funds (which are tax deductible to the extent of the law.) should be sent through checks payable to "IHC/Afghan Women's Mission" to the following address:
The Afghan Women's Mission
2460 N. Lake Ave. PMB 207
Altadena, CA 91001
USA

For making online donations through credit card visit the web site of the Afghan Women's Mission at http://afghanwomensmission.org.

The appeal letter concludes:

“We would like to thank you from the bottom of our sorrowful heart for your support and sympathies with your Afghan sisters.”
Kindest wishes,
Saima Saeed


 

June 19, 2004
Certificate of Special Congressional Recognition Presented to RAWA
RAWA has received a certificate of Special Congressional Recognition in recognition of outstanding and invaluable service to the community. The certificate is singed by a Member of the US Congress California and conveys congratulations and commendations are conveyed upon being recognized for Outstanding contribution to Education and ‘Advancing the Status of Women’.

It was bestowed upon the organisation at the 14th Annual Community Awards Luncheon Soroptimist International of Santa Barbara, California, on May 2, 2004.
http://rawa.fancymarketing.net/awards.htm

Sat, 11 Dec 2004
‘No warlords in Afghan cabinet’
[World News]: Islamabad, Dec.11
Several women of Afghan origin took the streets in Islamabad on Friday to demand that notorious warlords and fundamentalists in their country be kept out of the new cabinet in Kabul.

Joined by men and children, the women said that Afgahnistan's popularly elected President Hamid Karzai should not include the warlords or fundamentalists in the cabinet that is to be sworn in early next week.

Members of the Revolutionary Association of the women of Afghanistan (RAWA), who, in the past, have been vocal against the policies of the Taliban government, are now demanding that Karzai exclude all such warlords out of his cabinet. Carrying anti- warlordism banners and chanting slogans, they marched to the United Nations building in Islamabad.

“Presence of criminals in the government is treason to the vote of Afghan people,” read one placard. “Bringing warlords in the new government is treason to Afghans,” said another.

“Long live freedom and democracy!” they chanted. “Connivance with any group of fundamentalists is treason.”

Security was tight outside the United Nations building, but that failed to deter the charged demonstrators.

“We want to say (to) the world, and especially the government of Pakistan, that the fundamentalists are still in Afghanistan (and) in power and they should be disarmed,” Danish Hameed, a senior member of Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA) told reporters. Karzai won the popular vote in the presidential polls on December 7 and was elected president for a five-year term this week.

If Karzai sticks to his vow not to form coalitions with his main rivals-regional strongmen whose power derives from ethnic loyalties and private militias-his new cabinet will look very different from that which it replaces, a foreign news agency reported.

But many Afghans are wondering whether Karzai will find himself able to deny positions to figures responsible for factional violence seen in the past three years, or tainted by association with the country's massive opium and heroin trade. he makeup of the new cabinet is seen as crucial to whether the war-battered country, still racked by an Islamic insurgency, can chart a course away from regional warlordism, weak central control and an economy dominated by illicit drugs. Analysts say the new cabinet lineup could be seen as more important than the outcome of the presidential election and that this is Afghanistan's best opportunity to establish a reform-orientated government. (ANI)

 

 


Letter From Afghanistan
Painful story of the Herati shelter girls
The Nation Magazine, posted on Sep.16, 2004 (issue of Oct.4,2004)
By Ann Jones
“In recent months, international aid workers in Kabul have been warned not to raise the issue of women's rights before the Afghan presidential election, now scheduled for October, lest it spook a "conservative" reaction, topple the fragile Karzai government and reflect badly on the nation-building abilities of George W. Bush.”

The Bush Administration claims to have established democracy in Afghanistan--but what can "democracy" possibly mean when more than half the population is property? By tradition, every Afghan girl or woman has to be attached to some man--her father, husband, brother, son, uncle. Afghan men routinely sell their daughters in marriage--often well under the legal age of 16--and claim a "bride price" as payback for raising the girl. Sometimes they give away female relatives as compensation to settle debts or quarrels with other men. Call it tradition or quaint local custom, but Afghan girls and women are still bought, sold and traded as commodities.

So far, the Bush administration has met that problem by ignoring it and spinning the official line that Afghan women were "liberated" when the Taliban dispersed, as if ideas of women and social control so deeply embedded in religion and culture could be thrown off like old burqas--which, incidentally, most women still wear. It's also a big problem for international organizations trying to rebuild the Afghan state and civil society. How can they advance human rights for women as commonly understood in the West while at the same time negotiating a culture that understands things so differently? Sometimes they get things badly wrong.

All of this is made painfully clear by the story of the Herati shelter girls.

These twenty-six women--most of them were teenage girls, really--first came to the attention of human rights workers in January of last year when a man reported to the UN High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) that refugee girls and women were imprisoned in a guesthouse belonging to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, held in "protective custody" by Ismail Khan, the notoriously dictatorial governor (or warlord) of Herat, in western Afghanistan.

It took three months for UNHCR to gain admission to the guesthouse--known locally as "Freedom Garden"--to speak to the women. Through interviews, the UNHCR investigators slowly pieced together what had happened. The women proved to be double refugees. Most had fled Afghanistan for Iran with their families during the Afghan civil wars. Growing up in Iran, they'd learned to enjoy more freedom than they would have known in Afghanistan--walking freely in the streets, going to the bazaar or to the houses of their friends. Then--to each of them--something bad happened. L. was sold in marriage at age 13 to an old man who raped and beat her until she ran away. M. ran away from home after her Iranian stepfather sexually assaulted her when she was about 14. Others were beaten and put out of the house by stepfathers who refused, as Afghan men often do, to support another man's child.

One by one, the runaways made their way to the shrine of Emam Reza in Mashhad, Iran's most important pilgrimage site, where they found temporary refuge in pilgrims' hostels. There some of them fell in with the pimps, traffickers and drug smugglers who haunt the place, and they were put to work. Some who were repeatedly spotted by security cameras were picked up by the police. Officially--or semi-officially, for reports of this affair remain "internal" and incomplete--the girls were classed as "unaccompanied females." They were women on the loose, unattached to any male relative, and thus loose women, by definition "bad." Some of the women say they were taken to court in Iran for cursory deportation hearings, but in the absence of documentation, it seems possible that many of them were simply handed over to an Afghan border official, a nephew of Ismail Khan, and subsequently to the Herati governor himself. Several of the girls told investigators that one day "Ismail Khan's men" picked them up and drove them across the border to "shelter" in nearby Herat.

What happened there is unclear, and the women have not been eager to talk about it. Unlike Western women, who may report victimization, Afghan women know they'll be blamed for anything "bad." (Rape victims can be imprisoned for criminal sexual activity.) In the guesthouse the women lived in very close quarters, guarded by men. Some of the younger girls report that a dominant group of five or six older girls had "relationships" with the guards, and that this group often went off on "picnics" with men. The UNHCR investigator found evidence of beatings by the guards, fights among the women, self-mutilations, repeated suicide attempts and profound psychological disturbance. S., age 20, feared her family would kill her because she had had sex. N., 18, had tried to kill herself with an injection. K., 18, had tried to jump down the well. F., 21, had tried to hang herself. M., 21, had doused herself with kerosene and was saved from self-immolation only by the intervention of other women. The list went on, recording physical illnesses and mental "handicaps" that probably indicated post-traumatic stress. Two or three women were unable to speak at all.

After the investigation Ismail Khan was persuaded to turn over the women, now officially classed as "returnees," to UNHCR. The UN agency, which does not provide hands-on care, consigned them to Shuhada, an Afghan nongovernmental organization fronted by Dr. Sima Samar ... now head of the Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission. She quickly established a "shelter" for the women in Kabul, promising them literacy and vocational training.

But in Kabul things got worse fast. Though none were charged with wrongdoing, the women were again locked up--this time in smaller quarters, and again with male guards. The promised vocational training turned out to be carpet weaving, a grueling profit-making venture meant to defray the cost of keeping them. The women refused to do it. They began to act out. They made themselves up. They dressed provocatively. They played loud music. They danced.

UNHCR called in Medica Mondiale, a German NGO experienced--in Bosnia, Kosova, Albania--in helping women doubly victimized by war and male violence. Their psychologists and doctors diagnosed the women as deeply traumatized by physical and sexual violence, and by great loss--the loss of home and family and in some cases children they'd had to leave behind. But according to Sylvia Johnson, a German psychologist who spent many hours at the "shelter" over a period of months, most of the girls were not depressed. They were angry at being locked up.

"They were defiant," Johnson says, "like a gang of street kids--but not aggressive, not malicious. They were a bunch of young girls who drew their fantasies from Indian Bollywood movies. They wanted to be film stars. They had spirit. They were survivors."

A few managed to escape, although Kabul police later caught two of them walking "unaccompanied" and sent them to prison. At least one, with her young daughter, was sent to a mental asylum, where she spends the days obsessively scrubbing the child's genitalia. Desperate to get rid of the rest, Dr. Samar shipped half a dozen of the brightest girls to a Shuhada-sponsored clinic in the central mountains, ostensibly to train as nurses. And then last spring she offered the remaining girls up for marriage. That is, she let it be known that women were available, and men from the neighborhood began to stop by to inquire. When a match was made, Dr. Samar would ask the prospective bride for her consent. She could agree to the match or stay locked up. Only two women refused to marry.

Unlike most Afghan brides, these women were handed over for free. That put them within reach of men who couldn't afford or expect much. One reportedly married a relative of a Shuhada cleaning woman.

An Afghan representative of UNHCR, Kabul, praised the Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission for coming up with such a creative solution to the otherwise insoluble problem of independent women. Dr. Samar herself maintains that she did the women a big favor by vouching for them and restoring them to a legitimate place in Afghan society. "It was only my recommendation that got them husbands," she says. "And what else could we do? We couldn't keep them forever." She asks the question rhetorically, as if one couldn't possibly think of another thing--and as if she'd had some legal right to keep them at all.

In recent months, international aid workers in Kabul have been warned not to raise the issue of women's rights before the Afghan presidential election, now scheduled for October, lest it spook a "conservative" reaction, topple the fragile Karzai government and reflect badly on the nation-building abilities of George W. Bush. Women's advocates are reminded that armed rebellion brought down the reformist King Amanullah in 1929 after he attempted to abolish purdah, and President Taraki in 1979 after he allowed girls to attend school. Human rights advocates call for similar changes today--minimum legal age for marriage, an end to bride price, equal education--and having signed international human rights agreements (such as CEDAW, the 1979 Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women), Afghanistan is bound to comply. But these days the shadow of the resurgent Taliban--the same sort of "conservative" force that, in the past, crushed king and Communist alike--hovers over Kabul like a darkening cloud.

Nevertheless, I wanted to know what had become of the Herati shelter girls. Shuhada gave me the newlyweds' addresses so I could see for myself how happy they were. I found one young woman, badly bruised, who said her husband and his brother often beat her. She said she hoped to run away. I heard that another new bride had already escaped. But the other addresses on the list came up empty. The women were unknown.

In July Dr. Samar told the two marriage refuseniks, now 18, that they were too old to live in the shelter. They were given a choice: Marry or leave. They signed a document saying that the shelter owes them nothing, and they walked out the door--loose women again, or maybe, for the time being, free.

Ann Jones is the author, most recently, of Looking for Lovedu (Knopf), an account of a journey across Africa. She is working on Kabul in Winter, a book about her experiences as an aid worker in Afghanistan, to be published by Metropolitan Books/Henry Holt.

 

 

 

Tue, 21 Sep 2004
Advocates Say More Improvements Needed for Afghan Women
By Kerry Sheridan
Leading women's activists from Afghanistan and Iraq say U.S. intervention has had only limited success in liberating women in their nations. Too often, they say, women continue to be targets of abuse, kidnapping and oppression, even after military operations have ousted tyrannical leaders. Several women's advocates visited New York this week, to share their concerns and ask for help during a conference on women and power.

President Bush often mentions freedom for women as a symbol of success in the war on terror, particularly in Afghanistan. "That country has a new constitution, guaranteeing free elections and full participation by women. Businesses are opening, health care centers are being established, and the boys and girls of Afghanistan are back in school," he says.

Women's activists from Afghanistan acknowledge that some progress has been made since the removal of the Taleban regime. Young girls are going to classes in the capital, Kabul, and in some areas, women are allowed to work outside the home. But Zoya, a member of a group called the Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA) who does not use her last name for security reasons, says the recent improvements are limited, and that the situation for women is worsening in the rest of the country. "They cannot go without a male relative outside their houses, and they have no access to education and there are health problems for them. So we think that the bombs in Afghanistan - the bombing by the U.S. administration - has not changed the situation because they replaced one fundamentalist [group] with another one," she says.

Zoya says the U.S.-supported Northern Alliance is responsible for 50 thousand civilian deaths between 1992 and 1996, and has committed many crimes against women. Now, she says, most Afghan women are still forced to cover themselves by wearing the burka, and an alarming number of women continue to be kidnapped and abused by warlords in power.

Zoya shared her story with U.S. women at a leadership conference in New York. She and other women activists from Afghanistan and Iraq are urging American women to fight for sustainable freedom for women abroad. "We are not liberated and we still wanted the solidarity of all the people around the world with us, and especially the women around the world. That is why this conference was very important for us. To bring again the situation of women in Afghanistan to the media and the attention of the world," she says.

Zoya is not the only one who says the spread of Islamic fundamentalism is preventing equal rights for women in the region.

Afghan member of parliament Malalai Joya knows that being outspoken in the fight for women's rights comes at a price. Ever since she gave a speech in parliament at the end of last year criticizing Afghan warlords for their abuses against women, she has had to hide her whereabouts and always travels with bodyguards. Her purpose in coming to New York, she says, is to ask American women for solidarity. "They can help us and they can do something for their painful sisters in Afghanistan and please do not forget about us," she says.

Ms. Joya says fair treatment of women can only be achieved if the international community sustains the battle for women's equality, long after the major military incursions are over.



A Threatened Afghanistan
New York Times (Editorial), July 15, 2004

Afghanistan's coming elections are in jeopardy, and not just because of a revived Taliban. The warlord armies that Washington used to oust the Taliban in 2001 now pose an even greater danger, as Afghanistan's president, Hamid Karzai, made plain this week to Carlotta Gall and David Rohde of The Times. President Bush is largely responsible for this situation, having first decided to fight the war against the Taliban on the cheap and then leaving the job of nation-building undone while he diverted American forces to Iraq. Now the administration must heed Mr. Karzai's warning and do much more to help him curb these private armies and the exploding opium business that finances them.

Mr. Bush's blunders in Afghanistan followed decades of shortsighted American policies that built up the power of these warlords. Many of them got their start in the American-financed guerrilla movement that forced Soviet occupation troops out of Afghanistan a decade and a half ago. Soon after, they began fighting one another, terrorizing civilians and opening the way for the Taliban.

The warlords got an unexpected chance to rebuild their power when the Bush administration chose to rely mainly on their private armies to eject the Taliban from Kabul in late 2001. After the war, with the Pentagon already intent on sending troops to Iraq, the United States kept only a limited combat force to battle Taliban fighters and their local allies in southeastern Afghanistan, leaving Mr. Karzai largely at the mercy of the warlords.

Moving effectively against the warlords will be difficult now that the United States has allowed the situation to deteriorate so far. Together they have far more troops than Mr. Karzai's nascent national army, and he has been forced to cut dangerous short-term deals with them. The first step should be to mobilize international pressure against one or two of the most notorious warlords, in the hope that others will get the message and fall in line.

 

The warlords and private militias who were once regarded as the west's staunchest allies in Afghanistan are now a greater threat to the country's security than the Taliban, according to the interim president, Hamid Karzai.


The Guardian (London), July 13, 2004

A prime target should be Abdul Rasul Sayyaf, a militant Islamist, long backed by Saudi Arabia, whose fighters have been responsible for multiple human rights abuses and war crimes over the years, including a 1993 massacre of civilians in Kabul. At this year's constitutional assembly, he was prominent among those trying to intimidate delegates, particularly women. The constitution that ultimately emerged struck an uneasy balance between secular liberties and harsh Islamic strictures. Now Mr. Sayyaf and his armed followers are trying to make sure that Afghanistan's highest court interprets the constitution in accordance with their fiercely fundamentalist views. Mr. Sayyaf's private army gives him the power to impose his nominees for security and judicial positions. Disarming his followers should be an international priority.

Another dangerous warlord is Marshal Muhammad Qasim Fahim, who, in addition to being the government's defense minister, commands a private army of at least 50,000 fighters. Mr. Fahim hopes to be Mr. Karzai's vice-presidential running mate in the election now scheduled for October. He should not be allowed to do so unless he disarms his private militia, a step he has repeatedly resisted.

To curb the warlords further, NATO should expand its peacekeeping role. New jobs also need to be found for those now making their living as fighters for hire. There is no need to extend the area of American combat operations. Even in the southeast, where the United States has concentrated its military efforts, the results have been mixed at best. The Taliban have never been thoroughly routed, and local resentment over the long-term presence of foreign forces and claims of errant bombs that kill civilians seems to be creating new recruits.

Ultimate victory in Afghanistan requires an effective national government, freed from both the Taliban and the warlords.



=====================================================


War Returns with a Vengeance as Allies Fail the Afghan People
George Bush and Tony Blair made grand promises when they took on the Taliban. They sound hollow now. What does it all mean for Iraq?

The Independent/UK
, May 25, 2004
by Kim Sengupta

The road from the village of Ozbin Khol is safe no longer. The eight aid workers packed into a Toyota LandCruiser were keen to get to their destination, Sarobi, before nightfall. But a punctured tire stopped them. Two young men, carrying Kalashnikovs, their faces covered by keffayahs, came out of the darkness, lined up the passengers and opened fire, killing five.

The killings, in Paktika province, south-east of Kabul, were at the end of February. The next month, gunmen burst into a guesthouse near the southern city of Kandahar, killing three more aid workers. Two weeks ago, two Europeans, one with a Swiss passport, were stoned and stabbed to death at Bagh Chilsthan, just 15 minutes' drive from the center of Kabul.

Reports of the murders appeared in the international media, briefly, because the victims were either from the West, or had links with international relief agencies. There have been other deaths - 15 children killed by United States warplanes in raids while attempting to eliminate a warlord in December. Another dozen Afghans were killed in the next few weeks, either enemy combatants, said the Americans, or the result of collateral damage among civilians.

In Herat, internecine fighting between forces of the warlord, Ismail Khan, and the governor sent by Hamid Karzai's government in Kabul led to the deaths of 100 people, including Mr Khan's son.

These are snapshots of a continuing conflict in Afghanistan, a war of attrition taking place largely in the shadows with the focus of the world's media firmly fixed on Iraq.

The Afghan war was, of course, the first chapter of the War on Terror launched after 11 September. After a relatively quick and casualty-free campaign - for the American military, if not Afghan civilians - George Bush declared victory. Tony Blair pledged: "This time we will not walk away", as had happened following the war the mujahedin fought against the Russians with Western money and arms.

But that, say many Afghans, is exactly what the United States and Britain have done. And just as the official end to hostilities in Iraq has been followed by unremitting violence, so the war has returned with a vengeance in Afghanistan. With international interest concentrating on Iraq, aid money has dried up for the Afghans. The military bill for the Pentagon, so far, is $50bn (£27bn). The money for humanitarian work, on the other hand, has been $4.5bn. Out of that, much of the $2.2bn earmarked for this year has been diverted to military projects and emergency relief from long-term development.

Even where aid money is available, the security situation is preventing distribution. The five men killed in Paktika worked for the National Solidarity Program (SDF), which is now pulling out of 72 areas in the country.

Ihsanullah Dileri, the organization's head of co-ordination said in his Kabul office: "This is a very bad, very desperate situation. We had $60,000 to spend on each of those 72 areas, now this cannot be done.

"All these areas are badly deprived, with poor people lacking basic facilities. But I am afraid the security simply is not there for us to continue with our work. It is too dangerous."

Barbara Stapleton, of the Agency Coordinating Body for Afghan Relief (ACBAR) an umbrella body representing 90 national and international aid agencies, added: "We are very concerned about security and the deterioration of the situation. Impunity rules in the country. It's not just the NGO [non-governmental organizations] community, but the Afghan people at large who are exposed to these levels of insecurity."

There is also evidence that the American military is using aid as a means of acquiring intelligence. Delivering blankets and food to refugees at Dwamanda in the south, Lieutenant Reid Finn had no hesitation in telling journalists: "It's simple. The more they help us find the bad guys, the more good stuff they get." Teena Roberts, the head of Christian Aid's mission in the country, said: "The result of this is aid workers have become targets. I have not come across the use of aid in this way before."

After the fall of the Taliban, the streets of Kabul used to be busy until the 10pm curfew. Now they are deserted by eight in the evening, with the headlights of a few solitary cars hurtling through the darkness. Foreigners travel in convoys, with armed guards. Amanullah Haidar runs a stall 100 yards from the Mustafa Hotel in the city center, one of the few places deemed to be safe for the expatriate community to meet in the evening, where the two brothers who run it carry pistols in shoulder holsters, and guards with semi-automatic rifles man the main door.

"We are disappointed by lack of progress, lack of money, lack of jobs," said Mr Haidar, a Tajik former Northern Alliance soldier. "I remember all these people who came here from Europe and America and told us how they are going to help us. But where are the factories and the offices we thought we would get? What about the elections we were promised?"

President Hamid Karzai was forced to put back to the autumn elections because of the instability. Only 1.6 million out of 10.5 million eligible to vote have registered. In the Pashtun belt, where Taliban influence is still strong, the number of women registered is below 20 per cent.

The emancipation of women, subjugated by the fundamentalist Taliban, was one of the stated objectives of the West. Even before the war ended America's First Lady, Laura Bush, declared: "Because of our recent military gains in much of Afghanistan, women are no longer imprisoned in their homes. The fight against terrorism is also a fight for the rights and dignity of women."

According to an Amnesty International report, however: "Two years after the ending of the Taliban regime, the international community and the Afghan transitional administration, led by President Karzai, have proved unable to protect women. The risk of rape and sexual violence by members of armed factions and former combatants is still high. Forced marriages, particularly of girl children, and violence against women in the family are widespread in many areas."

After the war, dozens of girls' schools reopened throughout the country. But an Islamist resurgence has seen many of them closed down through intimidation. Families who still dare to send their female children for education can pay a terrible price. Earlier this month, three young girls, aged eight to 10, were poisoned in eastern Afghanistan, apparently as punishment for attending lessons.

The government points out, however, that four million pupils are enrolled in schools this year - including one third of the country's female children.

Twenty-five years of war have destroyed what there was of Afghan infrastructure. In a number of regions, such as the Shomali Plain, the Taliban and their Pakistani allies destroyed centuries-old irrigation systems in a scorched-earth policy against the Northern Alliance.

Following the last war, attempts were made to restore water and power. But systematic strikes by the Taliban on power lines and irrigation projects, and murders of foreign engineers, has ground much of it to a halt. At present, just 9 per cent of the population have access to electricity. Safe drinking water is estimated to be restricted to 6 per cent. The World Bank has authorized a $40m loan for water projects, but while work can begin with the funds in the north and west, it is deemed to be too dangerous in the Pashtun belt of the south and east.

The UN has stressed irrigation is essential for agriculture in a country where the overwhelming majority of the population live in rural areas. However there is no shortage of one particular crop - opium. Poppy cultivation reached a new high last year. According to the White House Office of National Drug Control Policy, the area of cultivation has grown from 1,685 hectares in 2001 to 61,000 hectares in 2003. The country has the dubious distinction of accounting for 75 per cent of the world's output.

FACTS AND FIGURES THAT TELL THE STORY

HEALTH

Pregnancy: One woman dies every 20 minutes in pregnancy/childbirth
2002: Pregnancy and childbirth the leading cause of death in women
500 trained midwives for female population of 11 million

Life expectancy:

2001: 46
2004: 43

Under-five mortality rank:

2001: 4
2004: 4
Measles: 2000: 1,400 cases of measles per month
2003: 40 cases per month

Polio:

1999: 27 reported cases
2003: 7 reported cases
2004: 3 reported cases

CHILD SOLDIERS

8,000 child soldiers in official army
Feb 2004: Government starts to demobilize 2,000 child soldiers
400 children killed each month from landmines

EDUCATION

Four million children in education
1.2 million girls in education; aim to get a million more girls into education

Net primary school enrolment ratio:

1995-99: M:F 53:5
2004: M:F 42:15

Total adult literacy:

1995-99: 32
2004: 36

OPIUM PRODUCTION

2001: 185 tons of opium (reduction of 96 per cent from 1999)
2003: Second-largest opium harvest (after 1999) with yield of 3,600 tons
Poppy cultivated in 28 of 32 provinces, involving 1.7 million Afghans. Drug trade income is $2.3bn, more than 50 per cent of Afghanistan's legal GDP
69 per cent of farmers surveyed intend to increase cultivation in 2004
Nearly 30 per cent of farmers plan to more than double production
43 per cent of non-poppy farmers intend to start cultivating in 2004


Sources:
UNICEF SOWC (State of the World's Children) annual report); CARE International; Afghanistan Annual Opium Poppy Survey 2001); Afghanistan Farmers' Intentions survey 2003-04); Amnesty International



 

 

April 28, 2004
Gloom of 28th April still dominant in Afghanistan
Special RAWA report
In 1992, following the fall of Kabul and its people in fire and blood, by the hands of criminal parties tied to Pakistan, Iran, and Saudi Arabia, instead of conciliating, RAWA raised the slogan; "28th April more sinister than 27th". Apart from those felons who were and who are calling themselves "Jehadis", and their intellectual servants, there were people who declared this slogan as trivial and an insult to "Jehadis." In order to disgrace RAWA these people supported those responsible for the incidents of 28th April, 1994.

But the history that has been written in blood and crime cannot be revised with pen and propaganda. The "Northern Alliance," despite expressing anger, power and a continuation of threats, terror, propaganda and conspiracy, failed to remove the scars of crimes against our people from their dirty faces. Last year we witnessed that some local media, after interviewing and collecting opinions, called the 28th of April the "bloody black day of crime, aggression", etc… Naturally if the sense of insecurity and fear was not prominent, 95% of people would condemn the day of aggression of fundamentalists in Kabul after the collapse of the puppet regime. They are now witnessing how the factors responsible for the 28th of April are blocking the way for this devastated and ruined country to move forward towards peace and reconstruction. If leaders of the "Northern Alliance" were not considered as culprits of the 28th of April for some in the past, they have now very firmly been proven to! be the dirtiest elements in Afghanistan.

The recent incidents of Herat, Mimana and Uruzgan made it obvious to everyone that the bandits of "Northern Alliance" who have taken specific areas of Afghanistan under their control and consider them as their family property are not in a mood to give up their power and show allegiance towards any central government. For them it is crystal clear that if disarmed today, they will not have any value among their tribes, let alone among the people of Afghanistan. During the meetings and discussions of the drug dealing leaders of Jehadis like Ismael Khan, Muhaqaq, Dostum and Rabbani, the names of Latif Padram were also chanted. This is not going to add any other scars to the character of this Iranian spy but perhaps might make Ismael Khohi, Rahnaward Zaryab, Akram Usman and other "poet" friends of this Jehadi happier.

RAWA repeatedly has said that compromising and dealing with the "Northern Alliance" is not going to bear any fruit for anyone including Mr. Karzai. The recent joint conspiracy of the above mentioned criminals is the fresh beginning of their new wave of wrong-doings. Apparently Mr.Karzai is looking for a way to compete with those rivals by following the path of Panjsher that Jamaat-e-Islami and Shura-e-Nezar: rewriting history to make Masoud a hero, appointing his followers as "Marshals" and ministers, and most amusing of all, declaring Panjsher as a province with the ridiculous reason being that Masoud's valuable services to Jehad have no parallel in the past dark decades. He should have named Panjsher as "Masoud Sher" (Masoud the lion) or Afghanistan as "Masoudistan" (Land of Masoud) in order to continue the display of inflating him. But changing the official name of a province with the excuse of honoring an individual will neither help the country to move ahead nor can it ! make a warlord, with the blood of our people on his hands, the "hero of heroes". Declaring Panjsher as a province indicates clearly that Mr. Karzai in his quest of winning the hearts and minds of Fahim's band, is ready to do anything. In this situation one should not have any hope, especially for Karzai to stop their hands from looting the billons of foreign aided dollars, misuse of power, and illegal actions. The same is the case with declaring Dikondi a province -- that serves no purpose other than to attract the bandits of Hazara warlords and attempt to win the votes of Hazara people. No doubt the people of the world are laughing at the childish games of Karzai's government.

Once again on the basis of this policy of love and care of criminal Jehadis, an infamous person like Bashir Baghlani who has the mark of being with Gulbuddin, suddenly appears as governor of Farah province. The same is true regarding the appointments of ministers, ambassadors, governors and people on duty at the embassies and consulates of Afghanistan.

On the one hand different countries of the world are promising to give 8 billion dollars in aid, and on the other hand Mr.Karzai is considering the appointment of the dirtiest elements of Jehadis to important government posts as his most important task. Meanwhile they get themselves ready to loot the billions of coming dollars. If the bloody warlords and mafias were deprived of power, this aid would have been a hope to our people for reconstruction of their homes and improvement of their lives. But because of this dragon "Northern Alliance" placed in key positions, the majority of the people can expect to see the collisions and ferocious battles of these thieves to get more of the share. For this reason we are against the delivery of this aid in the current situation, for ordinary people will get nothing while the warlords of "Northern Alliance" will try their best to fill their pockets and use it to strengthen themselves politically and militarily. That is why it is not sur! prising that the Finance Minister and the Chairman of The Afghanistan Bank express inability in giving account of billions of dollars of foreign aids to the people. Is the tradition of Afghan friendship to expose the crimes and thefts of companions? The stability of Afghani currency, to which the government prides, is also temporary. Economic development without a good and stable economic base, as well as political stability (which requires wiping out the Jehadis), is impossible.

Corruption is at its peak in the government offices. Anwar Jekdalek with his lackey Asghari suddenly confessed their incapability and quit as Mayor of Kabul following many scandals. While the key issue is not their leaving, but exposing their brutalities and looting and finding out how much they have stolen from the assets of the Kabul municipality.

Mr. Karzai talks about the need of the presence of international forces for a further ten years until an effective military force can be established. But he forgets that until the main source of all problems - the virus of fundamentalism - is uprooted, no army is going to be established that will be free from the germ of fundamentalism. Even after 20 years it is certain that this country will never see reconstruction and eradication of corruption. The establishment of 80,000 armed forces with sensible generals who are not fundamentalists is possible in 3 years, provided the "Northern Alliance" is not involved.

The people of the world should know that Afghanistan itself is a victim of the Taliban, Gulbuddin, Al-Qaida, their religious brothers the "Northern Alliance," terror, and insecurity. Even the barbaric Taliban never took girls and women and forced them to undergo a hospital examination to see if they have recently had sexual intercourse, but Ismael Khan, this puppet of the Iranian regime, is not immune to making such insults and humiliations against our girls in Heart. This has no parallel anywhere in the world.

Additionally the brothers of this criminal Jehadi in Nangahar (Dean Muhammad and others) are beating male and female university artists in that province. This is not an ordinary issue and is a sign of their sympathy and harmony with the Jehadi mafias, Al-Qaida and Gulbuddin, all of whom have recently increased their terrorist actions. The joint history of terror, torture and ideology is going to tie the "Northern Alliance" unbreakably to Al-Qaida, Taliban and Gulbuddin.

The dark cloud of the 28th of April is still wandering over the sky of our country. In this situation anti-fundamentalist and pro-democratic forces should raise the slogan "28th of April sinister than the 27th" and give hand to hand to struggle for the honor and reconstruction of the motherland, and end the rule of the criminals in power.


Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA)
27th April 2004


- April 27, 1978: Russian puppets took power in Afghanistan.
- April 28, 1992: The Jehadi fundamentalists took power after the fall of the puppet regime.



Afghan province bans women performers on TV, radio
JALALABAD, Afghanistan, 17 April 2004 (Reuters)
An Afghan province has banned women from performing on television and radio, declaring female entertainers un-Islamic, a provincial official said on Saturday.

The ban in Nangahar, a southeastern province heavily patrolled by U.S.-led troops hunting for Islamic militants, took effect from Friday and also covers women presenters of news and other information, the official said.

The decision echoes the strict imposition of sharia Islamic law imposed during the Taliban's repressive five-year rule of Afghanistan when television was banned, women were forbidden from working and girls were kept out of schools.

It also follows a heavily debated decision by Kabul Television in January to show an old tape of Parasto, a popular woman singer who now lives in the West, in a move that brought a controversial end to a long-running ban on women singers. Moderates have said showing women singers on television was in line with the new Afghan constitution as it gave equal rights to women.

But some provinces remain deeply conservative and provincial governors command broad authority over their regions, often in defiance of the central government.

Nangahar, which borders Pakistan, is one of several regions where the United States has stepped up a hunt for Osama bin Laden's al Qaeda network and remnants of the Taliban militia that U.S.-led forces drove from power in late 2001.

Diplomats said Nangahar's ban would be seen as a setback for moderates in President Hamid Karzai's government in their battle with conservatives opposed to liberalisation since the Taliban's overthrow.

 

 


AI ask international community to uphold its human rights responsibilities
Amnesty International,
, March 26, 2004

Afghanistan is facing a critical moment in its ongoing reconstruction efforts and its future will remain unchanged unless the international community takes human rights issues seriously, said Amnesty International in a letter sent today to the countries participating in a forthcoming international conference on reconstruction assistance to Afghanistan.

"We have seen some positive stepsemerging, such as the building of a professional police force, training of the judiciary, police and lawyers, legal reform and physical rehabilitation of prisons and courts in Kabul," said Amnesty International. "However, it is extremely worrying that progress is being limited to the capital while human rights remain far from realized for Afghans living in other provinces."

In the letter, Amnesty International urges the international community to take action on the issues of security, violence against women and prison conditions. These were among the areas in which the organization recorded some of the gravest human rights violations during its last visit to the country in February 2004.

Security currently remains the most important concern in Afghanistan. Over the last two years, the security situation has continued to deteriorate with a significant impact on reconstruction efforts. In 2003, 11 Afghan and two international aid personnel have been killed and since January 2004, ten Afghan members of staff of aid organisations have lost their lives.

"Violations of the rights of women and girls, including physical abuse, underage marriage, exchange of girls to settle feuds were widely reported to Amnesty International during the recent visit."

"It is particularly worrying that the Afghan government has not addressed these issues in any substantial way so far and thus is failing to implement its international commitments at the national level," said Amnesty International

 

More than 100 people died in factional fighting in the western Afghan city of Herat on Sunday after the killing of a cabinet minister who was the son of the powerful provincial governor, officials said.


REUTERS, March 22, 2004

Conditions in prisons and detention facilities in Kabul have seen an improvement but there remains an urgent need for the rehabilitation and reconstruction of detention facilities elsewhere. Prisons in the provinces remain non-existent.

Furthermore, impunity remains common throughout the country. Despite the scale of war crimes, crimes against humanity and other serious human rights violations committed in Afghanistan over nearly a quarter of a century, justice to date has been denied to victims.

"Human rights violations are likely to continue as long as people reasonably suspected of being responsible for gross human rights violations are allowed to escape criminal responsibility and to hold positions of authority," Amnesty International stressed.

"Amnesty International recognises the many challenges still facing Afghanistan. The commitment of donors to provide long term and coordinated support will be a key factor to achieve a successful outcome. It is therefore vital that mainstreaming of human rights is integral to the reconstruction plan," Amnesty International concluded.

Background Information

The international conference on reconstruction assistance to Afghanistan will take place in Berlin between 31 March and 1 April 2004. This conference represents an important opportunity for donors to evaluate the impact of reconstruction efforts to date and agree to a long term framework for the future development of Afghanistan.

Amnesty International welcomes the joint Afghan and international agency report "Securing Afghanistan's Future: Accomplishments and the Strategic Path" which outlines a 28 billion dollar proposal for future investment. However, Amnesty International is concerned that this document pays inadequate attention to three key areas where insufficient progress has been made to date: protection of women; reform of the criminal justice system and establishment of effective accountability mechanisms for the investigation and prosecution of all human rights violations both past and present.


 

Afghan women's cry for help goes on as oppression continues

[This item first appeared in New Internationalist magazine (www.newint.org)]
Mariam Rawi, a member of the RAWA, writes under a pseudonym

Rule of the rapists
“Britain and the US said war on Afghanistan would liberate women. We are still waiting”

Mariam Rawi in Kabul
[The Guardian, February 12, 2004]

When the US began bombing Afghanistan on October 7, 2001, the oppression of Afghan women was used as a justification for overthrowing the Taliban regime. Five weeks later America's first lady, Laura Bush, stated triumphantly: "Because of our recent military gains in much of Afghanistan, women are no longer imprisoned in their homes.The fight against terrorism is also a fight for the rights and dignity of women."

However, Amnesty International paints a rather different picture: "Two years after the ending of the Taliban regime, the international community and the Afghan transitional administration, led by President Hamid Karzai, have proved unable to protect women. The risk of rape and sexual violence by members of armed factions and former combatants is still high. Forced marriage, particularly of girl children, and violence against women in the family are widespread in many areas of the country."

In truth, the situation of women in Afghanistan remains appalling. Though girls and women in Kabul, and some other cities, are free to go to school and have jobs, this is not the case in most parts of the country.

In the western province of Herat, the warlord Ismail Khan imposes Taliban-like decrees. Many women have no access to education and are banned from working in foreign NGOs or UN offices, and there are hardly any women in government offices. Women cannot take a taxi or walk unless accompanied by a close male relative. If seen with men who are not close relatives, women can be arrested by the "special police" and forced to undergo a hospital examination to see if they have recently had sexual intercourse. Because of this continued oppression, every month a large number of girls commit suicide - many more than under the Taliban.

Women's rights fare no better in northern and southern Afghanistan, which are under the control of the Northern Alliance. One international NGO worker told Amnesty International: "During the Taliban era, if a woman went to market and showed an inch of flesh she would have been flogged; now she's raped."

Even in Kabul, where thousands of foreign troops are present, Afghan women do not feel safe, and many continue to wear the burka for protection. In some areas where girls' education does exist, parents are afraid to allow their daughters to take advantage of it following the burning down of several girls' schools. Girls have been abducted on the way to school and sexual assaults on children of both sexes are now commonplace, according to Human Rights Watch.

In spite of its rhetoric, the Karzai government actively pursues policies that are anti-women. Women cannot find jobs, and girls' schools often lack the most basic materials, such as books and chairs. There is no legal protection for women, and the older legal systems prohibit them from getting help when they need it. Female singers are not allowed on Kabul television, and women's songs are not played, while scenes in films of women not wearing the hijab are censored. The Karzai government has established a women's ministry just to throw dust in the eyes of the international community. In reality, this ministry has done nothing for women. There are complaints that money given to the women's ministry by foreign NGOs has been taken by powerful warlords in the Karzai cabinet.

The "war on terror" toppled the Taliban regime, but it has not removed religious fundamentalism, which is the main cause of misery for Afghan women. In fact, by bringing the warlords back to power, the US has replaced one misogynist fundamentalist regime with another. But then the US never did fight the Taliban to save Afghan women. As recently as 2000 the US administration gave the Taliban $43m as a reward for reducing the opium harvest.

Now the US supports the Northern Alliance, which was responsible for killing more than 50,000 civilians during its bloody rule in the 1990s. Those in power today - men such as Karim Khalili, Rabbani, Sayyaf, Fahim, Yunus Qanooni, Mohaqiq and Abdullah - were those who imposed anti-women restrictions as soon as they took control in 1992 and started a reign of terror throughout Afghanistan. Thousands of women and girls were systematically raped by armed thugs, and many committed suicide to avoid being sexually assaulted by them.

But lack of women's rights is not the only problem facing Afghanistan today. Neither opium cultivation nor warlordism and terrorism have been uprooted. There is no peace, stability or security. President Karzai is a prisoner within his own government, the nominal head of a regime in which former Northern Alliance commanders hold the real power. In such a climate, the results of the forthcoming elections in June can easily be predicted: the Northern Alliance will once againhijack the results to give legitimacy to its bloody rule.

In November 2001 Colin Powell, the US secretary of state, said: "The rights of women in Afghanistan will not be negotiable." But the women of Afghanistan have felt with their whole bodies the dishonesty of such statements from US and British leaders - we know that they have already negotiated away women's rights in Afghanistan by imposing the most treacherous warlords on the people. Their pretty speeches are made out of political expediency rather than genuine concern. From 1992 to 2001 Afghan women were treated as cattle by all brands of fundamentalists, from jihadis to the Taliban.

Some western writers have tried to suggest that this oppression has its roots in Afghan traditions and that it is disrespectful of "cultural difference" to criticise it. Yet Afghan women themselves are not silent victims. There is resistance, but you have to look for it, as any serious anti-fundamentalist group has to work semi-underground.

The Revolutionary Association of Women of Afghanistan (RAWA), which was outlawed under the Taliban, still can't open an office in Kabul. We still can't distribute our magazine Payam-e-Zan (Women's Message) openly. Shopkeepers are still threatened with death for stocking our publications, and RAWA supporters have been tortured and imprisoned for distributing them. People who are caught reading our literature are still in danger. Feminism does not need to be imported; it has already taken root in Afghanistan. Long before the US bombing, progressive organisations were trying to establish freedom, democracy, secularism and women's rights. Then, western governments and media showed little interest in the plight of Afghan women. When, before September 11 2001, RAWA gave footage of the execution of Zarmeena to the BBC, CNN, ABC and others, it was told that the footage was too shocking to broadcast.

However, after September 11 these same media organisations aired the footage repeatedly. Similarly, some of RAWA's photographs documenting the Taliban's abuses of women were also used - without our permission. They were reproduced as flyers and dropped by American warplanes as they flew over Afghanistan.

 


Fire Museum Presents:
Azadi!
A Benefit compilation for RAWA

This extraordinary new 2 CD set featuring dozens of independent musicians has been produced by long-time supporter of RAWA, Steve Tobin. According to an article in the San Francisco Weekly, Azadi! is "is hands-down the most compelling collection of music activism to come along in years." The CD cover features the women of RAWA demonstrating for democracy and women's rights in Afghanistan.

"Tahmeena Faryal, a RAWA foreign affairs representative ... is deeply appreciative. "It means a lot to us," she says. "Increased awareness and even a little bit of financial support can help a lot; there is no peace or security or democracy in Afghanistan. The struggle continues.""

Azadi! is available for just $13 and 100% of proceeds benefit RAWA.

For more information and to order the CD, please visit www.museumfire.com/azadi.htm



On the local compilation Azadi!, the music matters almost as much as the cause itself
By San Prestianni
From psychedelic folk phenomenon Country Joe & the Fish, whose '60s anti-war anthem "Fixin' to Die" was the toast of Woodstock, to Spearhead's Michael Franti, who pleads persuasively for peace on his latest single, "Bomb the World," Bay Area musicians have long used the spotlight to rally the public around activist causes. But not all civic-minded artists wear their politics on their sleeves or feel compelled to sloganize à la "We Are the World" to get their point across. In fact, as the extraordinary new two-CD set Azadi! makes clear, the best protest music is oftentimes the least in-your-face with its message.
Produced by local scenester Steve Tobin for Fire Museum and Electro Motive Records, this benefit compilation for the Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA) brings together a wide variety of players spanning a multiplicity of genres, from jazz, modern classical, and experimental improv to folk, indie rock, and dance. While a few of the featured artists hail from distant lands -- e.g., freaky instrumentalists Godspeed You Black Emperor! (Montreal) and Turkish avant-garde singer Saadet Turkoz -- most were handpicked from our own back yard. Familiar names include art punks Deerhoof, global-minded altrockers Charming Hostess, estrogen-powered a cappella sensation Jou Jou, and haunted fairy-tale duo Faun Fables; lesser-known standouts are post- Pixies pop group 20 Minute Loop and queer hip-hoppers Deep Dickollective. By and large, the most convincing acts on the album do not use the mike to pointedly take a political stand; rather they let their eclecticism and staunch individuality speak for itself. "Many of the people on this collection probably don't consider their work to be at all didactic," Tobin says, "yet they chose to lend their talents to a project which may be perceived as a form of protest." Through focusing on the music, not the rhetoric of the cause, these three dozen fiercely independent voices end up furthering both, which is ultimately what makes Azadi! such a powerful record. The roots of Azadi! go back to saxophonist Rent Romus, who first heard about RAWA's struggles on Stanford's KZSU-FM (90.1). Seeking more information, he checked online at www.rawa.org, where he found disturbing photographs, video footage, and personal stories that documented the beatings, torture, imprisonment, and brutal murder of the Afghan people under fundamentalist rule. "The RAWA Web site brought me to tears," Romus recalls. "I had to try and help." So in late 2000 he put together a small benefit showcase at 848 Divisadero, which inspired Tobin, who happened to be in the audience that night, to launch his own activist campaign. To date, under the moniker Fire Museum, Tobin has hosted eight charity performances, netting a total of more than $10,000. For Tobin, a recording to commemorate these shows -- with 100 percent of proceeds going to RAWA -- seemed the logical next step. Though he would love to bring his political message to the masses, Tobin recognizes that the average music consumer will never embrace the kind of diversity-in-the-extreme represented on Azadi! "Unfortunately, these are not Top 40-selling artists," he concedes. "But with all the work that goes into putting on an event or releasing a CD, if the music didn't interest me it would be difficult to invest as much energy into it." While the audience for this compilation may be limited, it is far from nonexistent, particularly in the Bay Area. In fact, Tobin's wide-open yet discerning ear makes him the ideal producer for broad-minded listeners who tend to be both clued-in politically by day and likely to rove the low end of the radio dial deep into the night. Some of the most stunning cuts on the album are the least commercially accessible: a pair of too-brief yet moving cello-piano duets by cellist/ composer Danielle DeGruttola; an evocative, semi-improvised solo on the oud (the classical lute of the Muslim world) by David Slusser; the amphetamine- doused, tongue-twisting rap of Deep Dickollective; an avant-hymn by Saadet Turkoz, with echoes of goth diva Diamanda Galas (sans ear-bleeding squall); a moody dirge by Faun Fables set in "A Village Churchyard"; Miya Masaoka's eerily cinematic electro-acoustic soundtrack for koto and electronics; and Godspeed's madcap applause-punchy mix-mash "GeorgeBushCutUp," with its trenchant refrain, "Why am I here? And what can I do to make it better? How can I do what is right?" Aside from the brilliant Dubya beat-down, all of these pieces are understated in terms of a political message embedded in the music. But that doesn't mean that the players are socially unconscious or inactive. "I first took up the oud in the early '80s," explains Slusser, "learning from some Moroccan friends. I was playing with them not only for musical knowledge, but to use music as a means of understanding another culture. Since then our nation has been in increasing conflict with that part of the world, and I've kept approaching that music for deeper understanding. Now, all my attempts at playing the oud concern aspects of bridging the gaps and exploring the relationships between our world and theirs, and perhaps [finding] a place where there isn't a difference. ... If, at times, my oud sounds more like a Delta blues guitar, that's part of the point -- our common humanity." The compilation's most conspicuously activist tune, "One More Parade," an old Phil Ochs number played up true to form by a combo of anonymous traditionalists who call themselves Folk This, underscores the problem with overt musical politicking. Arguably the CD's weakest title, this heartfelt banjo-plucky ditty suffers from the same shortcomings of most folk- protest anthems: While the lyrics are meaningful and smart, the music and vocal melody just don't cut it. There's a goofy quality to the singing, which even when taken as satire undermines the track's listenability beyond one or two spins. Still, thanks to the overarching adventurousness and do-it-yourself spirit on Azadi!, this compilation is hands- down the most compelling collection of music activism to come along in years. Romus, who appears on the album with his high-octane out-jazz group the Abstractions, speaks for all the participating artists when he suggests, "Everything [we] play is an indirect socio-political statement." When the delivery is more nuanced -- and focused on the music -- the message comes across with power. Though the efforts of Tobin and the indie musicians who contributed to the Azadi! compilation will do little to rout the warlords who rule Afghanistan, Tahmeena Faryal, a RAWA foreign affairs representative who just wrapped up a stateside speaking tour, is deeply appreciative. "It means a lot to us," she says. "Increased awareness and even a little bit of financial support can help a lot; there is no peace or security or democracy in Afghanistan. The struggle continues."
From: http://www.sfweekly.com/issues/2003-06-25/music2.html/1/index.html



 

Book shows Afghan women's covert struggle
Subhuman treatment spawned group whose founder was assassinated
By Lori Shontz, Post-Gazette Staff Writer

RAWA for representative government in Kabul
Afghans urged to work jointly for peace
RAWA wants separation of religion from state
RAWA for grant of women rights in Afghanistan
US held responsible for increasing unrest

 

 
"Groundbreaking… The first writer with in-depth access to RAWA, Brodsky writes a passionate narrative… Stands out as a lone and important study of a remarkable organization." - Publisher's Weekly


American advocate for Afghan women
Anne Brodsky explores the underground movement fighting to bring Afghan women out of the dark ages.

By Patricia Meisol
Sun Staff
It was one of those things that didn't hit her until it was under her nose. Anne E. Brodsky, a psychologist, had been fascinated since childhood by stories of how ordinary people find the strength to resist oppression. In graduate school in Washington, she wrote about impoverished single mothers and how they coped. In Baltimore, she wrote about African-American women so busy with their daily struggle to survive they didn't have time to organize a community to help one another. In both cases, she left feeling she had little to offer, and the whole point of her research on how people create communities was to give something back.
One day in the spring of 2000 in her dining room in Baltimore's Hunting Ridge, Brodsky heard visitors from Afghanistan tell of their secret efforts to run schools for girls.
The women were visiting Baltimore to speak at the Feminist Expo, and they were invited to stay at her house by her then-partner. Listening to their stories, Brodsky realized they were the first revolutionary women she'd ever met, the first example of people she'd read about in her suburban youth. There she was, with these young women who were risking their lives because of what they believed in, and she was moved to join them.
She has met many members of the Revolutionary Association of the Women in Afghanistan (RAWA) since that day. They are women who fight with words and deeds for equal rights in Afghanistan.
Photographs after the American bombing of Kabul that toppled the Taliban government showed women in the Afghan capital shedding their required burqas, the veil covering all but a woman's eyes. Coverage of the bombing at the time showed women freed by the same campaign to capture Osama bin Laden. The U.S. war against terrorism moved on to Iraq, but the battle for women in Afghanistan is hardly over. Last week, another school for girls in rural Logar province was set afire and the doors padlocked. Many women continue to wear the veil for their own safety and, for many, the dream of education remains dim.
Brodsky, 38, is still an activist on their behalf, being host to RAWA women when they travel to the United States in search of supporters, and risking her own life to travel abroad and document their history in With All Our Strength, a book full of personal hardship and struggle.
The women she writes about say they don't expect to see freedom and equal rights for women in their lifetimes.
The photos of freed women now seem like a cheap public relations ploy, and it pains her to think they might be used as evidence of improvement.
"Here in the U.S. it seems like the story is over," she says, "but there, it's far from over."
It was a personal mission at first. After meeting the RAWA women, Brodsky taught herself Persian and for the next six months read everything she could find on Afghanistan. She talked about the women's group to her friends, her students at the University of Maryland, Baltimore County, where she is an associate professor of psychology, and the public. She sold the women's rugs and crafts to raise money for them. In numerous e-mails, she learned that the women she met were part of a remarkable political and humanitarian movement that flourished despite no central office, no public meetings, no single leader and members without real names.
It occurred to her that she studied people like them, people who are resilient in the face of crisis, professionally. Why not research RAWA?
Brodsky was nervous about asking if they would be her research subjects. It seemed silly, given the dangerous lives they lived and the amount of work ahead of them.
But RAWA wanted somebody to document what they do. Brodsky paid her own way to Pakistan in the summer of 2001 after colleagues at UMBC, looking over her grant application, worried that travel there was too dangerous. She arrived at the airport in Islamabad knowing no one - the three RAWA women who had visited Brodsky in Baltimore were traveling outside the country - and at the luggage counter, a stranger approached her and asked, "Are you Anne?"
She was driven to a RAWA guest house in Pakistan. A few days later, introduced to little girls studying at a refugee camp, she discovered they had been studying her e-mails in English class. "You're the lady writing the book," one of them told her. She had never considered or promised a book, only a scholarly article, but by the end of her two-week stay, they had convinced her.
With All Our Strength, published in the spring by Routledge, an academic press based in New York, is the first to provide an intimate history of the 26-year-old underground movement for women's rights in Afghanistan, a country where women still risk their lives if they leave home without a male escort.

With All Our Strength, click here to order it
With All Our Strength:
The Revolutionary
Association of the
Women of Afghanistan

By Anne E. Brodsky

Over countless interviews, and months of research, Brodsky gathered stories from people whose lives were changed by the movement and who themselves became part of it. Here, too, she found stories where she wasn't looking.
Weeks passed in the company of a woman named Najia before Brodsky learned the woman's surprising story. Najia, a widow with five children, was Brodsky's host on her first trip to Islamabad. She was a powerhouse of energy and her boundless joy around her children was reflected in the twinkle of her eye. But her heart was pained. Or, as Najia described it, "My heart is full of blood."
Najia - not her real name - is in her early 30s. Her father was killed by the Soviets, prompting her to flee with her mother and sisters to Pakistan. They returned to Afghanistan after the Soviets were defeated, and there, at 15, she was wed to a man in his 30s. The man was educated and kind. He worked as a teacher until fundamentalist freedom fighters took back the province from a warlord. They disapproved of what he taught so they beat him and, when he resisted, shot him dead.
As a woman alone in Afghanistan, Najia said, she was nothing. She couldn't work, go out alone, buy food herself or dress in any color but black. Some in her situation became prostitutes to support themselves. Najia, then 23, felt her life was over. For four months, she was miserable, until a stranger knocked on her door and offered to take her to a RAWA camp in Pakistan. She learned that a village family she trusted had told the man her situation, and when he returned 10 days later, she and her children went with him. RAWA paid for their move. At the camp, Najia's children attended school and she, too, enrolled in class. After four years, she learned to read and write and became a RAWA member.
Nobody was interested in Brodsky's book proposal when she returned to Baltimore in August 2001. But after Sept. 11, which led to the U.S. campaign against Afghanistan's Taliban regime, that changed. Was this a terrible window of opportunity? she asked herself. Could anything good come of the tragedy of the terrorist attacks? To her amazement, the women in refugee camps were e-mailing her to ask if she was safe. Next, Brodsky heard rumors - false, it turned out - of American rockets hitting Kabul, and she felt her stomach sinking. Would she ever go to Afghanistan?
Many of the women she met in Pakistan camps had lived there since childhood and were educated at schools run by RAWA. Brodsky wanted to document the work of the RAWA women still inside Afghanistan, the women who, if their work became known, faced public execution by the Taliban.
When she returned to Afghan refugee camps in Pakistan in December 2001 as a "participant/observer," she met newly arrived Afghan immigrants who had fled to the camps after the American bombing. One, Marghalari, said that even during the bombing, classes continued. In one area, near a military installation, RAWA members asked the teacher to stop, and the teacher left it to the students to decide. They said no, "it would be an honor to be killed continuing their education in such a risky situation."
For eight weeks that winter, Brodsky traveled between RAWA-sponsored houses, camps and schools in Quetta, Islamabad and elsewhere. The RAWA members she met are not paid, live sparse lives and move often to escape notice. Many are widows whose husbands were killed during the civil war. Sometimes when Brodsky accompanied one RAWA member to visit another, they entered through a back door and hid until the member could get rid of visitors or family who did not know about her RAWA activities.
Eventually, Brodsky would meet over half of the group's Leadership Council - 11 women elected by secret paper ballots collected by hand to run RAWA, and whose position may not be known even to members they work with every day. She would meet people who knew RAWA's founder and martyr, Meena, who was assassinated in Pakistan in 1987, and whose death prompted the present nonhierarchical structure of RAWA, which ensures it won't end with the death of any one leader. And Brodsky would document the work of sympathetic husbands, brothers and fathers who provided physical protection and cover for the women to do their revolutionary work.
The women Brodsky lived with told her they felt safe in Pakistan; to them, Pakistan was freedom. But Pakistan didn't feel that safe to her. While she was there, Daniel Pearl, the Wall Street Journal reporter, was kidnapped and killed. Nor did it seem free.
She lived in a walled camp patrolled by armed security. The girls school had a hole in its wall with a gun turret through it. RAWA worked to win over antagonistic fundamentalists in the next camp, eventually persuading the parents of over half the girls in that camp to send them to their school.
The women she stayed with had driver's licenses, a readily available car, even the keys to the car, but for them to drive alone would reveal them as RAWA members. So, they always waited for a male sympathizer.
In the summer of 2002, Brodsky finally visited Afghanistan. For 11 hours, she rode in a Toyota Corolla from Jalalabad to Kabul along the route where bandits had murdered four Western journalists a year earlier. Everywhere she looked, she saw kids carrying weapons, and she felt her life was most in danger there. But these child-soldiers put down their weapons when they recognized her RAWA bodyguard. There were other dangers - the hairpin turns, marked by breaks in the guardrail where buses had fallen through, and at a stop in a village for car repairs, the stares of men. She and the women with her did not wear burqas. "We were writing. They were illiterate," Brodsky recalls. "It was eye opening."
In Kabul, she spoke with women who carried out RAWA's mission inside Afghanistan at risk of being stoned, raped or murdered. Carrying a banned magazine or wearing improper dress on the street could be cause for imprisonment under the Taliban. Now she understood why women in Pakistan refugee camps considered themselves living in freedom.
She spent eight days in Afghanistan. It was soon after the country's new congress had convened - including women for the first time - and Hamid Karzai was installed as president. People seemed to sense opportunity despite the fact that the government included warlords and people who had ruled repressively before the Taliban took power in 1996.
Brodsky saw few women on the devastated streets, and those she did see wore burqas. RAWA members told Brodsky their husbands still asked them not to leave their homes alone for safety reasons. RAWA is still run underground because of the danger. Its members approach male family members to ask permission for their wives and daughters to go to school. Often only one person in an area knows the cell phone of the next nearest small group of RAWA members.
One of the oldest members returned to the capital, hoping to pick up where she left off in the 1980s, only to find destruction and no trace of her old network. To Brodsky, the saddest story was that of a young Afghan law student forced to quit school under the Taliban. Ghatol taught RAWA education classes in secret basement locations and distributed RAWA literature in the Taliban era. She had avoided unwanted suitors in those years with her parents' support, and hoped to continue her law studies some day. But when the United States bombed, her family fled to Pakistan. Afterward, given that some repressive warlords were sharing power, family members convinced her mother that it was unsafe to take an unmarried woman back to Kabul. A suitor flew in from Europe to marry her. She loved Afghanistan and wanted to stay; unable to reach RAWA for support and help, she ended her dream of becoming a lawyer and agreed to join her husband in Europe.
This summer, Brod- sky returned to Afghanistan and saw malls, shops and warlords' houses under construction. The roads were less rutted but still unpaved. Teachers earn $30 a month, far less than their $100 monthly rent, and unemployed lawyers drove taxis. One of the most positive things she saw was that everyone seemed to be taking a class; she saw even a guard in front of a store reading a book.
The changes are superficial, she says women told her. The colors of the leaves may change, they said, but the roots of the tree still needed to be fertilized.
Before the war, 90 percent of women in Afghanistan wore the traditional covering garb. Now 70 percent wear it. The people in charge are no better than the hated Taliban, Brodsky says, only different. A new report by Human Rights Watch said increased violence by gunmen and warlords against girls and women, especially in southeast Afghanistan, is endangering gains made under the new government.
The response of RAWA women is hopeful pessimism. "They are uncompromising in their values and stand and continue to see the benefit of working one school, one person at a time," she says.
"They all say they will not see it in their lifetimes," she says.
As a scholar actively working on behalf of her subject, Brodsky brings a bias to her research. She says her work as an advocate for RAWA allowed her to gather richer information and, ultimately, to gain admittance into their clandestine circle. She doesn't claim to give "the truth" about RAWA, she says, but rather only "a truth as I saw and experienced it." She wouldn't have written the book or returned to the camps, she says, if she didn't think the organization was so extraordinary.
Her goal was to document their resilience and present a model, possibly an inspiration, for others in crisis.
She is seeking grants to pay for a return trip to Afghanistan, where she wants to document the lives of ordinary women and the future of the organization. How will the women of RAWA respond if democracy comes? If RAWA women return to Afghanistan, as many want to, what becomes of the displaced countrymen they have been teaching?
In Brodsky's living room, piles of wool rugs made by Afghan women stand in a corner, ready to be sold for the RAWA cause. Profits from the sale of her book also go to RAWA.
On her lawn stands an anti-war poster.
"I feel helpless," she says about participating in anti-war protests, "lots of us do. But we have a voice, we can go out and do that, with nowhere near the danger women face marching in the street in Pakistan."
Yet, she says, "they don't give up. It's incredible."
 
article from : http://www.sunspot.net
 
 

 

Biography charts life of an Afghan heroine
Islamic feminist. It sounds like an oxymoron, but Melody Ermachild Chavis hopes her book "Meena: Heroine of Afghanistan" (St. Martin's Press, $19.95) will make the term more familiar. The book is the first biography to be written about the founder of the Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan.

Meena: Heroine of Afghanistan, click here to order it
Meena:
Heroine of Afghanistan

By
Melody Ermachild Chavis

Meena, whose last name remains secret to protect the family, started RAWA in 1977 as a 20-year-old university student; 10 years later she was killed by Islamic extremists. The organization she founded continues her work. Chavis, 59, who has been a private investigator in the San Francisco Bay area for 20 years, traveled to Afghanistan last year to meet with women who knew Meena. Their input provides an intimate portrait of a woman who lived, by necessity, mostly out of the public view. The book describes the struggles, triumphs and tragedies of Meena's life as a political activist, from her great luck in finding a husband who supported her work to her pain at having to live apart from her children, for their safety's sake. It also describes the women of RAWA's resourcefulness, including their clever use of their oppressors' weapons against them. For example, once Meena's face became well-known, she was still able to move about Kabul disguised under a burqa. The all-encompassing garments have likewise been used to smuggle contraband. Chavis hopes increased awareness of Meena, an icon to many Muslims, will change the prevailing image of Islam in the United States. "I'd like to replace [Osama bin Laden's] face in people's minds with Meena's lovely face," she said.
To see a complete and updated schedule of all of the MEENA book events, please go to www.museumfire.com and click on Benefits.

Books on RAWA


Behind the Scenes
UMBC’s Anne Brodsky Tells the Story of Afghan Women
By Charles Rose
Retriever Weekly Guest Writer
In the two years since the horrific attacks of Sept. 11 and the ensuing American invasion of Afghanistan, the world’s attention has shifted away from the plight of the Afghan people, who have been ravaged by decades of war. But even before Sept. 11, Anne Brodsky, an associate professor of psychology and affiliate professor of women’s studies at UMBC, was already risking her life to tell the story of Afghan women under the oppression of the Taliban and other fundamentalist Islamic factions and she continues that fight today.
Brodsky’s research background studying the resilience of womn and the role of communities in resisting societal risks such as violence, poverty and racism led to her current work with the Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA).
RAWA is a humanitarian and political women’s organization that has operated clandestinely in Afghanistan and Pakistan for the past 26 years. Brodsky has been working with the group for over three years to help raise awareness of the plight of women who still risk their lives when they stand up for basic freedoms like going to school, having a job, wearing modern clothes, and being able to leave the house unescorted by a male.
As part of these efforts, Brodsky has traveled to underground girls’ schools, orphanages and refugee camps in Afghanistan and Pakistan. She has risked her life ? both from the dangers facing a Western woman in areas controlled by fundamentalist groups, and from the ongoing fighting and unexploded landmines and ordnance that litter the countryside.
Recent news items have underscored the relevance of Brodsky’s work: a report released this summer by Human Rights Watch detailed how women are still being raped and attacked by Afghan warlords outside of Kabul and a Newsweek story noted the post Sept. 11 rise in domestic violence in American Muslim families.
Even worse is the apparent resurgence of the Taliban, who have launched several recent attacks on Afghan border police and girls’ schools from just across the Pakistan border, a development that doesn’t surprise Brodsky.
"While schools for girls have reopened, only about 32 percent of the students who returned were girls," she says. "Girls’ schools have been fire bombed and threatened; and forced marriages, imprisonment of girls and women for attempting to escape abusive marriages, forced medical chastity tests and other extreme forms of oppression are ongoing, thus RAWA’s activities and message are still urgently needed."
Since Sept. 11, Brodsky has continued her research through multiple trips to the region and by helping to bring members of RAWA to the United States and UMBC to tell their stories. Earlier this year, Brodsky published a book about RAWA and her experiences with the group, With All Our Strength: The Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (Routledge).
Publisher’s Weekly described With All Our Strength as "Groundbreaking...The first writer with in-depth access to RAWA, Brodsky writes a passionate narrative...[S]tands out as a lone and important study of a remarkable organization." Ahmed Rashid, author of Taliban, calls it "A powerful story."
Brodsky will never forget her five months in the field with the brave women of RAWA. "I gained a much deeper understanding and appreciation for their struggle, and was able to record the in-depth stories of real people’s lives under so many years of oppression, war and trauma," she says. "But more than being victims, RAWA has empowered women, children and men to use education as a tool to fight for democracy, freedom, human rights and peace."
According to Brodsky, the fight for democracy and human rights in Afghanistan is far from over. "RAWA remains a threatened group for their outspoken opposition to the oppression of women and all democratically minded people that continue under the current, warlord dominated government," she says. "They fervently hope that the rest of the world will continue to support them and will not, once again, turn their backs on the long suffering people of Afghanistan."
Brodsky’s work on behalf of women at UMBC and beyond was recognized with the 2003 award from the President’s Commission for Women, one of several presented at UMBC’s 37th Anniversary Opening.
Article originally published in Insights Weekly.


 



 

RAWA member after receiving the doctorate
On May 16, 2003, honorary doctorate for outstanding non-academic achievements was given to a RAWA member during a ceremony in Antwerp-Belgium.





 

 

RAWA: The VOICE of the VOICELESS
A full color booklet with over 350 photos from different RAWA activities
in Afghanistan and Pakistan.



RAWA booklet - Front and Back title

Size: 21cm X 21cm
Pages: 100
Price: US$12
(including air postage)



This booklet aims to let our valued donors know where their help goes and make them aware of the wide-ranging activities of RAWA

Please support the cause of RAWA and all Afghan women by ordering as many copies as possible of this booklet and other RAWA publications against its price and postal charges for sale/distribution to your friends and all interested to raise awareness on the plight of Afghan women and their great need for help.

Email us your mailing address and the number of copies you need to be sent.

Payment could be sent in US$ through a check payable to "SEE/Afghan Women's Mission" to the following address:

Publications
The Afghan Women's Mission
2460 N. Lake Ave. PMB 207
Altadena, CA 91001
USA








news resources
Afghanistan | Africa | Albania | Algeria | Andorra | Angola | Anguilla | Antigua
| Argentina | Armenia | Aruba | Asia | Australia | Austria | Azerbaijan | Bahamas | Bahrain | Balkans | Bangladesh | Barbados | Belarus | Belgium | Belize | Benin | Bermuda | Bhutan | Bosnia | Bolivia | Botswana | Brazil | Brunei | Bulgaria | Burkina | Burma | Burundi | Cambodia | Cameroon | Canada | Cape Verde | Caribbean | Cayman Islands | Cen African Rep | Chad | Chile | China | Christmas Island | Columbia | Comoros | Congo | Cook Island | Costa Rica | Croatia | Cuba | Cyprus | Czech/Slovakia | Denmark | Djibouti | Dominican Republic | Dubai | East Timor | Ecuador | Egypt | El Salvador | Equatorial Guinea | Eritrea | Estonia | Ethiopia | Europe | Faroe Islands | Fiji | Finland | France | Gabon | Gambia | Georgia | Germany | Ghana | Greece | Greenland | Grenada | Guadeloupe | Guam | Guatemala | Guinea | Guyana | Haiti | Holland | Honduras | Hong Kong | Hungary | Iceland | India | Indonesia | Iran | Iraq | Ireland | Israel | Italy | Ivory Coast | Jamaica | Japan | Jordan | Kazakhstan | Kenya | Kiribati | Korea | Kuwait | Kyrgyzstan | Laos | Latvia | Lebanon | Lesotho | Liberia | Libya | Lietchtenstein | Lithuania | London | Luxembourg | Macau | Macedonia | Madagascar | Malawi | Malaysia | Maldives | Mali | Malta | Marshall Islands | Martinique | Mauritania | Mauritius | Mexico | Micronesia | Moldova | Monaco | Mongolia | Montenegro | Montserrat | Morocco | Mozambique | Namibia | Nauru | New Zealand | Nicaragua | Niue | Niger | Nigeria | Northern Ireland | Norway | Oman | Pakistan | Palau | Palestine | Panama | Paraguay | Peru | Philippines | Pitcairn Islands | Poland | Portugal | Qatar | Romania | Russia | Rwanda | Samoa | San Marino | Sao Tomé | Saudi Arabia | Scandinavia | Senegal | Serbia | Seychelles | Sierra Leone | Singapore | Slovakia | Slovenia | Solomon Islands | Somalia | South Africa | South Americas | Spain | Sri Lanka | St Kitts | St Lucia | St Pierre | St Vincent | Sudan | Suriname | Swaziliand | Sweden | Switzerland | Syria | Taiwan | Tajikistan | Tanzania | Thailand | Tibet | Togo | Tonga | Trinidad | Tunisia | Turkey | Turkmenistan | Turks & Caicos | Tuvalu | Uganda | Ukraine | United Kingdom | United States | Uruguay | Uzbekistan | Vanuatu | Venezuela | Vietnam | Virgin Islands | Walli & Futuna | Yemen | Zambia | Zimbabwe | World
Human Rights | Science | Journalism | Music | Showbiz | Sport | Technology
Clickable News Globe


Top | Privacy | Forum | Comment XML news feed directory MP3 Sounds | Links | Publicity | Contact
On-line Editing | Publish news | Guestbook | Site Status | Site Map
publish an item from this page to Newsvive.com Seed Newsvine
© Newsmedianews

Web newsmedianews

See traffic details for this site